A Political History of the State of New York, Volumes 1-3Alexander, De Alva Stanwood
History
A Political History of the State of New York, Volumes 1-3
Alexander, De Alva Stanwood
New York (State) -- Politics and government
He thought him "an incubus on the party," "the political
millstone of the west," and he attributed the occasional loss of
Ontario and neighbouring counties "to his deleterious management." The
austerity and haughtiness of his manner naturally lessened his
popularity, just as his caustic pen and satirical tongue made him
bitter enemies; but his strong will and imperious manner were no more
offensive than Clinton's. Like Clinton, too, Spencer was ill at ease
in a harness; he resented being lined up by a party boss. But, at the
time he was talked of for United States senator, the intelligent
action and tireless industry upon which his fame rests, had so
impressed men, that they overlooked unpopular traits in their
admiration for his great ability. People did not then know that he was
to sit in the Cabinet of a President, and be nominated to a place upon
the Supreme bench of the United States; but they knew he was destined
to become famous, because he was already recognised as a professional
and political leader.
The genius of Samuel Young had also left its track behind. He was not
a great lawyer, but his contemporaries thought him a great man. He
combined brilliant speaking with brilliant writing. The fragments of
his speeches that have been preserved scarcely hint at the
extraordinary power accorded them in the judgment of his neighbours.
It is likely that the magic of presence, voice, and action,
exaggerated their merits, since he possessed the gifts of a trained
orator, rivalling the forceful declamation of Erastus Root, the mellow
tones and rich vocabulary of William W. Van Ness, and the smoothness
of Martin Van Buren. But, if his speeches equalled his pamphlets, the
judgment of his contemporaries must be accepted without limitation.
Chancellor Kent objected to giving joint stock companies the right to
engage in privateering, a drastic measure passed by the Legislature of
1814 in the interest of a more vigorous prosecution of the war; and in
his usual felicitous style, and with much learning, the stubborn
Federalist pronounced the statute inconsistent with the spirit of the
age and contrary to the genius of the Federal Constitution. Young
replied to the great Chancellor in a series of essays, brilliant and
readable even in a new century. He showed that, although America had
been handicapped by Federalist opposition, by a disorganised army,
and by a navy so small that it might almost as well have not existed,
yet American privateers--outnumbering the British fleet, scudding
before the wind, defying capture, running blockades, destroying
commerce, and bearing the stars and stripes to the ends of the
earth--had dealt England the most staggering blow ever inflicted upon
her supremacy of the sea. This was plain talk and plain truth; and it
made the speaker of the Assembly known throughout the State as "the
sword, the shield, and the ornament of his party." Young was as
dauntless as Spencer, and, if anything, a more distinguished looking
man.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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