A Report of the Debates and Proceedings in the Secret Sessions of the Conference Convention: For Proposing Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, Held at Washington, D.C., in February, A.D. 1861Chittenden, L. E. (Lucius Eugene)
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A Report of the Debates and Proceedings in the Secret Sessions of the Conference Convention: For Proposing Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, Held at Washington, D.C., in February, A.D. 1861
Chittenden, L. E. (Lucius Eugene)
Conference Convention (1861 : Washington, D.C.); United States -- Politics and government -- 1857-1861
In fact there is one principle which forms the very foundation of our
Government, and it should be kept constantly in mind. We cannot
negotiate, we cannot legislate, we cannot _compromise_, unless all
parties will acknowledge its binding force. If there is a party that
does not acknowledge this, in my judgment that party has no right to
be here. It is not a Republican party. I do not use this term in a
party sense, but in the sense which is used in the fourth article in
the Constitution, where the United States are required to guarantee to
every State a _republican_ form of Government. The principle to which
I refer is this: That the will of the majority, constitutionally
expressed, must control the Government, and all questions relating to
it; and that will must be respected and obeyed by the minority.
Now, if the members representing the free States will accept these
propositions of amendment in good faith--will agree to submit them
through Congress to the people of the States, and to be bound by the
decision of the majority, whatever that decision may be--will you,
gentlemen of the slave States, do the same? I do not refer to the
States which have undertaken to withdraw from the Union. I only call
upon the members for the States here represented. You have the right
to speak for your respective States. You are sent here for that
purpose. You ask us to give our votes for proposals which are
certainly unpleasant, not to say offensive to us, and to use such
influence as we possess to induce Congress to submit these to the
people. You express the highest degree of confidence in the result.
This is _your_ plan of compromise. If we resist it, you charge us with
standing between the people and your plan--of sacrificing the Union to
our platform. Very well. If we will submit your propositions to the
people, and agree to be bound by and to acquiesce in their decision,
will you do the same? If you will, it may be of service to protract
this discussion, to make these propositions as acceptable as possible.
If you will not, we are wasting time. We may as well stop here.
Believe me, sir, Vermont, as well as every other free State, will have
too much self-respect to agree to the terms of a compromise which will
bind one party and will not bind the other.
There is one thing farther which we must understand. It has been
frequently referred to in debate, and I shall not enlarge upon it.
Time must elapse before these propositions can be acted upon. The free
States expect faithfully to observe all their duties to the General
Government--to keep faith with it as they always have. Will the slave
States do the same? Will they not only _not obstruct_ the Government
in the execution of the laws, but will they _aid_ the Government in
executing the laws? The answer to this inquiry is as important as the
other.
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