A Report of the Debates and Proceedings in the Secret Sessions of the Conference Convention: For Proposing Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, Held at Washington, D.C., in February, A.D. 1861Chittenden, L. E. (Lucius Eugene)
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A Report of the Debates and Proceedings in the Secret Sessions of the Conference Convention: For Proposing Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, Held at Washington, D.C., in February, A.D. 1861
Chittenden, L. E. (Lucius Eugene)
Conference Convention (1861 : Washington, D.C.); United States -- Politics and government -- 1857-1861
Will a Convention answer the purpose, when another Confederacy has
been formed in our very midst? It would be two years at least before
any thing could be accomplished by a Convention, and then it would be
too late. We all know how delegates to such a Convention are elected.
We all know how much time would be consumed before the Convention
could meet. I say we cannot bear the delay. I ask the gentleman (Mr.
BALDWIN) of Connecticut whether he thinks it would be safe to delay.
Mr. BALDWIN:--I think it is always safe to follow the Constitution. I
think we can follow the example of Kentucky.
Mr. CLAY:--I would suggest to the gentleman from Connecticut that the
representatives of Kentucky are here to speak for her.
Mr. BRONSON:--Kentucky has sent delegates to this Convention since she
passed the resolutions to which the gentleman refers. I think we
cannot stand upon the ground taken in these resolutions. I do not
believe Kentucky herself would be satisfied with them now.
It is strange to see gentlemen so cool and apathetic under such
circumstances. Is no one alarmed for the safety of the old flag about
which so much is said? Can the Border States stay with us when their
brethren are gone? If the action of the North in relation to slavery
is such as to drive out South Carolina, can Delaware and the other
Border States remain? For one, I do not wish to put this Constitution
into the hands of a General Convention. Who can tell what such a
convention would do with the Constitution; what it would do with the
decisions of the Supreme Court, under which so many of the vexatious
questions have been settled? It would be worse than attempting to
settle our differences in a town meeting. I would hesitate long before
I would submit such questions to a convention. Before they could be
settled in that way, the Union would be gone forever. The process
would be too slow. I have nothing to gain in this matter. My only wish
is to spend my few remaining days in the United States, and to
transmit the blessings of our Government to my children.
Some of the Republican members here subordinate their platform to
their country. I commend them for it; these are noble sentiments. Men
should abandon platforms when they tend to destroy the country. I
concur in the sentiments of the gentleman from Illinois, uttered this
morning. They also are noble sentiments.
I venerate our Constitution. When made, it was equal to any ever
framed. Nothing short of Almighty Wisdom could have framed a better.
But was it given to human wisdom, to WASHINGTON and MADISON, to
foresee all the events of the future? The Constitution has held us
together for three-fourths of a century; that is a wonder in itself;
but its makers did not foresee this day--a day when Freedom itself was
in danger of perishing.
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