A Report of the Debates and Proceedings in the Secret Sessions of the Conference Convention: For Proposing Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, Held at Washington, D.C., in February, A.D. 1861Chittenden, L. E. (Lucius Eugene)
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A Report of the Debates and Proceedings in the Secret Sessions of the Conference Convention: For Proposing Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, Held at Washington, D.C., in February, A.D. 1861
Chittenden, L. E. (Lucius Eugene)
Conference Convention (1861 : Washington, D.C.); United States -- Politics and government -- 1857-1861
Gentlemen, I believe, yes, I know, that the people of the North are as
true to the Government and the Union of the States now, as our
fathers were when they stood shoulder to shoulder upon the field,
fighting for the principles upon which that Union rests. If I thought
the time had come when it would be fit or proper to consider
amendments to the Constitution at all, I should believe that we would
have no trouble with you except upon this question of slavery in the
territories. You cannot demand of us at the North any thing that we
will not grant, unless it involves a sacrifice of our principles.
These we shall not sacrifice--these you must not ask us to abandon. I
believe further, and I speak in all frankness, for I wish to delude no
one, that if the Constitution and the Union cannot be preserved and
effectually maintained without these new guarantees for slavery, that
the Union is not worth preserving.
The people of the North have always submitted to the decisions of the
proper constituted powers. This obedience has been unpleasant enough
when they thought these powers were exercised for sectional purposes;
but it has always been implicitly yielded. I am ready, even now, to go
home and say that, by the decision of the Supreme Court, slavery
exists in all the territories of the United States. We submit to the
decision and accept its consequences. But in view of all the
circumstances attending that decision, was it quite fair--was it quite
generous for the gentleman from Maryland to say that, under it, by the
adoption of these propositions, the South was giving up every thing,
the North giving up nothing? Does he suppose the South is yielding the
point in relation to any territory, which by any probability would
become slave territory? Something more than the decision of the
Supreme Court is necessary to establish slavery anywhere. The decision
may give the _right_ to establish it, other influences must control
the question of its actual establishment.
I am opposed, further, to any restrictions on the acquisition of
territory. They are unnecessary. The time may come when they would be
troublesome. We may want the Canadas. The time may come when the
Canadas may wish to unite with us. Shall we tie up our hands so that
we cannot receive them, or make it forever your interest to oppose
their annexation? Such a restriction would be, by the common consent
of the people, disregarded.
There are seven States out of the Union already. They have organized
what they claim is an independent Government. They are not to be
coerced back, you say. Are the prospects very favorable that they will
return of their own accord? But _they_ will annex territory. They are
already looking to Mexico. If left to themselves they would annex her
and all her neighbors, and we should lose our highway to the Pacific
coast. They would acquire it, and to us it would be lost forever.
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