A Report of the Debates and Proceedings in the Secret Sessions of the Conference Convention: For Proposing Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, Held at Washington, D.C., in February, A.D. 1861Chittenden, L. E. (Lucius Eugene)
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A Report of the Debates and Proceedings in the Secret Sessions of the Conference Convention: For Proposing Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, Held at Washington, D.C., in February, A.D. 1861
Chittenden, L. E. (Lucius Eugene)
Conference Convention (1861 : Washington, D.C.); United States -- Politics and government -- 1857-1861
The Premier of the incoming administration has declared that parties
and platforms are subordinate to, and must disappear in the presence
of the great question of the Union. This gives me hope. Let him and
his friends act upon that, and this Conference can in six hours, in
conjunction with a committee of his political friends, adjust such
terms of settlement as will save the Union.
The Roman Curtius offered himself as a sacrifice to save Rome, when
informed by the oracle that the loss of his life would save his
country. We are now in greater danger than Rome was then; but is there
no Curtius for our salvation? We are not called upon to give up life,
property, or honor, but to concede justice and equal rights to our
Southern brethren. We only want the courage to yield extreme opinions.
What power, after victory, refuses to lower the lofty terms which were
asserted on the eve of the battle for the sake of peace? But the
Republicans say, shall we surrender the fruits of victory to the
vanquished? I answer, how are you to enjoy your fruits without
pacification? You expected to govern the whole country. You aspired to
the control of the whole empire. Without peace you will not succeed in
establishing possession of that magnificent country which your
predecessors governed, but you will govern a little more than half of
it, and with that you have to provide for war.
It is easy to dispose of the threatening attitude of the South by
denouncing it as a rebellion--as treason. It is idle to disguise the
danger. The revolt of a whole people, covering a territory equal to
half of Europe, is a revolution. You cannot dwarf the movement by
stigmatizing it as treason. Its magnitude and proportions make the
sword, and not the law, its arbiter. Is it possible that people can be
so infatuated as to contemplate the use of the sword to conquer
secession? Will you hasten the time when we shall begin to shed each
other's blood? Coerce! force fifteen States! Why, you cannot force New
Jersey alone! Force the South? They won't stop to count
forces--neither side can be frightened. Don't think of it. You cannot
frighten either, no more than the hero could be frightened whom the
Roman poet has immortalized. Suppose after the expenditure of a
thousand millions you shall have stopped dismemberment and subjugated
the South, what is to become of the country then? what is to become of
the army and its chiefs who have conquered? When the Long Parliament
had murdered Charles, subdued Ireland and Scotland, and compelled the
deference of all Europe, they supposed they would enjoy the fruits of
their victories. They began to discuss the expenses of the army, and
the expediency of its reduction. They had hardly commenced when
Cromwell entered Westminster Hall and turned out the Republican party
of that day. The whole country, tired of war, crouched under the iron
heel of the Puritan soldier. The Republican party of England
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