Essays; Great Britain -- Social conditions -- 20th century; World War, 1914-1918 -- Great Britain
We have the right to restrain offenders and to safeguard society; in
doing this we unavoidably punish with that already terrible punishment
“loss of liberty.” But, sir, we have—surely—not the right to inflict
_unnecessary and harmful suffering_. I recognise to the full that there
is no lack of humanity among those who work our prison system; recognise
to the full that they would not willingly inflict any suffering that
they acknowledged to be unnecessary; but in every department of life
those who administer a system are, in the nature of things, with rare
exceptions, too habituated to that system, too close to it, to be able
to see it in due perspective.
I ask you, sir, and I ask the common sense of the public, whether
harmful and unnecessary suffering must not inevitably be endured by the
mind, and through the mind by the body, of a human being during these
thousands of hours of closed-cell confinement. To answer that question
fairly each member of the public has but to ask what would be the effect
on himself or herself of nine or six or even three months’ utter
seclusion (except for one hour each day) from all sight and sound not
only of human beings, but of animals, trees, flowers, and from the sight
even of the sky, all but a patch no bigger than a tea-tray. We are on
the whole a humane people; and it is not so much a question of our
humanity as of our imaginations. The position is plainly this: Those who
have to work our prison system perhaps could not do so at all if they
allowed their imaginations fair play. The community are too aloof to
realize what that prison system means. And so the unnecessary
demoralization and suffering caused by this closed-cell confinement goes
on at the rate of (for convicts alone) more than four million hours a
year!
I do not base the appeal of this letter so much on humanity as on common
sense. Why, when we are faced with appalling statistics of criminality,
with appalling difficulties in dealing with and reforming criminals, do
we deliberately continue a practice which both evidence and reason tell
us contributes to the more complete demoralization of such as are
already demoralized?
In the Report of your Departmental Committee of 1895 occur these words:
“It should be the object of the prison authorities, through the
prison staff and any suitable auxiliary effort that can be
employed, to humanize the prisoners, to prevent them from
feeling that the State merely chains them for a certain period
and cares nothing about them beyond keeping them in safe custody
and under iron discipline.”
And again: “. . . it strengthens our belief that the main fault
of our prison system is that it treats prisoners too much as
irreclaimable criminals instead of reclaimable men and women.”
I submit that no unprejudiced man can regard this closed-cell
confinement as a humanizing influence, except in the rarest cases, or
maintain that it helps to reclaim men and women.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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