Essays; Great Britain -- Social conditions -- 20th century; World War, 1914-1918 -- Great Britain
Since, in relation to the foregoing, four objections, at all events, are
bound to be made, let me make them myself, and answer them too. First:
It is not the public school and ’varsity man who is lacking in sympathy
and good-will towards Labour; it is the self-made capitalist, or the
grammar school man. The truth is that, with exceptions, they all are
lacking. But the defect is more dangerous and insidious within “the
caste” than without; for not only is “the caste” homogeneous, and far
more influential in every way, but it veils its lack of sympathy in this
very pretension of having sympathy. Next it will be said: “You accuse us
of lack of sympathy! But we would gladly be sympathetic, if they would
only let us!” Now this in the main is a perfectly genuine belief in
members of “the caste” when they have once gone out into life and rubbed
off the rawness of youthful hostility and prejudice. But it is the
genuine belief of people only passively inclined to friendship; in other
words, the belief of the fortunate not imbued with a spirit sufficiently
high and generous to take, from the best motives, _active_ steps towards
friendship with the less fortunate.
Further it will be said: “But Labour is not really less fortunate than
ourselves—it has freedom from cares, responsibilities, and expenses,
such as we can never know; in fact, we are not sure that it is not
really the more fortunate class.” Well! Apart from the fact that not one
in ten thousand of “the caste” would change places with an industrial
worker, there is this answer: “On your hypothesis, evolution, which is
‘caste’s’ main justification, is absurd and our system is standing on
its head. If, indeed, you require Labour to consider itself at least as
fortunate as yourselves, you must set to work at once and revalue
everything, alter every present ideal in your social life, and annul the
importance of property. Are you prepared to do this?” Finally it will be
objected: “It may be as you say, but the evil is implicit and
inevitable, for everything possible is already done by our educational
authorities to counteract a narrow ‘caste’ spirit and imbue the children
of the fortunate with a brotherly feeling towards the less fortunate.”
The answer to this is simply: “Has everything been done? Has anything
like everything been done? For example, is the danger of this narrow
‘caste’ spirit ever taken into account in the appointment of these same
educational authorities?”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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