A Short History of English LiberalismBlease, W. Lyon (Walter Lyon)
History
A Short History of English Liberalism
Blease, W. Lyon (Walter Lyon)
Great Britain -- Politics and government; Liberal Party (Great Britain); Liberalism
A charge of sixpence
a week upon an artisan who earns twenty-five shillings a week may be the
difference between sufficiency and insufficiency. A charge of L1,000 a year
upon the head of a family who earns, or receives without earning, L20,000 a
year leaves him with everything which could be required for the fullest
development of all his natural capacities. Taxation of poverty cripples
life. Taxation of wealth does not. The new Liberalism, seeking to extend
life, must draw upon abundance and superfluity.
In their economic proposals the Liberal Governments since 1906 have thus
advanced along the old line towards the more complete emancipation of the
individual. If they have interfered with liberty, they have interfered with
liberty on one side only to enlarge it on another, and the money required
for reform has been so provided as to reduce by as little as possible
individual capacity for growth. Whatever the particular defects of these
{344} social reforms may be, their general character has been as Liberal as
that of the reforms of 1832 and 1868. In other matters they have met with
varied success. Their repayment of debt and their refusal to continue the
wasteful policy of borrowing for the construction of works have followed
the best traditions of Peel and Gladstone, though Mr. Lloyd George's
treatment of the surplus of 1912 affords a vicious precedent for less
economical successors. The Irish University Act, the Home Rule Bill, and
the Welsh Disestablishment Bill are partly recognitions of the principle of
nationality, concessions to the demand that matters of local concern shall
be regulated by local opinion. They also express the other Liberal
principle, that sects shall be equal in the State. Recent demonstrations in
Ulster, the persecution of Catholic and Liberal workmen in the shipyards of
Belfast, and speeches which reveal a ferocity of religious bigotry equal to
that of the seventeenth century, have confirmed rather than weakened
Liberal belief in Home Rule. So long as one section of Irish society looks
to England as the successor of an ancient enemy, and the other looks to her
as a protector against the descendants of those whom their fathers kept
beneath their heel, so long will incompatibility of temper exist. As soon
as possible Liberals intend to put the inhabitants of Ireland in such a
position that, ceasing to batten upon the exhumed remains of mediaeval
controversies, they may discover, in the course of managing their joint
affairs, that they are only Irishmen after all. The various Education Bills
seem to have only partially expressed Liberal principles. It is impossible,
in a country where sharply divided sects exist side by side, to establish a
system which shall completely satisfy any party. Denominationalists and
undenominationalists must agree upon mutual concessions. No practical
hardship is done where denominational schools, with teachers subjected to
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account