A Short History of Freethought Ancient and Modern, Volume 2 of 2: Third edition, Revised and Expanded, in two volumesRobertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Religion
A Short History of Freethought Ancient and Modern, Volume 2 of 2: Third edition, Revised and Expanded, in two volumes
Robertson, J. M. (John Mackinnon)
Free thought -- History
Apart from the influence of Hobbes, who, like Descartes, shaped his
thinking from the starting-point of Galileo, the Cartesian philosophy
played in England a great transitional part. At the university of
Cambridge it was already naturalized; [461] and the influence of
Glanvill, who was an active member of the Royal Society, must have
carried it further. The remarkable treatise of the anatomist Glisson,
[462] De natura substantiæ energetica (1672), suggests the influence
of either Descartes or Gassendi; and it is remarkable that the
clerical moralist Cumberland, writing his Disquisitio de legibus
Naturæ (1672) in reply to Hobbes, not only takes up a utilitarian
position akin to Hobbes's own, and expressly avoids any appeal
to the theological doctrine of future punishments, but introduces
physiology into his ethic to the extent of partially figuring as an
ethical materialist. [463] In regard to Gassendi's direct influence it
has to be noted that in 1659 there appeared The Vanity of Judiciary
Astrology, translated by "A Person of Quality," from P. Gassendus;
and further that, as is remarked by Reid, Locke borrowed more from
Gassendi than from any other writer. [464]
[It is stated by Sir Leslie Stephen (English Thought in
the Eighteenth Century, 2nd ed. i, 32) that in England the
philosophy of Descartes made no distinguished disciples;
and that John Norris "seems to be the only exception to
the general indifference." This overlooks (1) Glanvill, who
constantly cites and applauds Descartes (Scepsis Scientifica,
passim). (2) In Henry More's Divine Dialogues, again (1668),
one of the disputants is made to speak (Dial. i, ch. xxiv) of
"that admired wit Descartes"; and he later praises him even when
passing censure (above, p. 65). More had been one of the admirers
in his youth, and changed his view (cp. Ward's Life of Dr. Henry
More, pp. 63-64). But his first letter to Descartes begins: "Quanta
voluptate perfusus est animus meus, Vir clarissime, scriptis tuis
legendis, nemo quisquam præter te unum potest conjectare." (3)
There was published in 1670 a translation of Des Fourneillis's
letter in defence of the Cartesian system, with François Bayle's
General System of the Cartesian Philosophy. (4) The continual
objections to the atheistic tendency of Descartes throughout
Cudworth's True Intellectual System imply anything but "general
indifference"; and (5) Barrow's tone in venturing to oppose him
(cit. in Whewell's Philosophy of Discovery, 1860, p. 179) pays
tribute to his great influence. (6) Molyneux, in the preface to
his translation of the Six Metaphysical Meditations of Descartes
in 1680, speaks of him as "this excellent philosopher" and "this
prodigious man." (7) Maxwell, in a note to his translation (1727)
of Bishop Cumberland's Disquisitio de legibus Naturæ, remarks that
the doctrine of a universal plenum was accepted from the Cartesian
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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