A Student's History of England, v. 2: 1509-1689: From the Earliest Times to the Death of King Edward VIIGardiner, Samuel Rawson
History
A Student's History of England, v. 2: 1509-1689: From the Earliest Times to the Death of King Edward VII
Gardiner, Samuel Rawson
Great Britain -- History; Great Britain -- History -- Outlines, syllabi, etc.
16. =The Meeting of James's Third Parliament. 1621.=--Parliament,
when it met in =1621=, was the more distrustful of James, as
Gondomar had returned to England in =1620= and had revived the
Spanish marriage treaty. When the Houses met, they were disappointed
to find that James did not propose to go to war at once. James
fancied that, because he himself wished to act justly and fairly,
every one of the other Princes would be regardless of his own
interests, and, although he had already sent several ambassadors to
settle matters without producing any results, he now proposed to
send more ambassadors, and only to fight if negotiation failed. On
learning this, the House of Commons only voted him a small supply,
not being willing to grant war-taxes unless it was sure that there
was to be a war. Probably James was right in not engaging England in
hostilities, as ambition had as much to do with Frederick's
proceedings as religion, and as, if James had helped his German
allies, he could have exercised no control over them; but he had too
little decision or real knowledge of the situation to inspire
confidence either at home or abroad; and the Commons, as soon as
they had granted a supply, began to criticise his government in
domestic matters.
17. =The Royal Prerogative. 1616-1621.=--Elizabeth had been high-handed
enough, but she had talked little of the rights which she claimed, and
had set herself to gain the affection of her subjects. James, on the
other hand, liked to talk of his rights, whilst he took no trouble to
make himself popular. It was his business, he held, to see that the
judges did not break the law under pretence of administering it. "This,"
he said in =1616=, "is a thing regal and proper to a king, to keep every
court within its true bounds." More startling was the language which
followed. "As for the absolute prerogative of the Crown," he declared,
"that is no subject for the tongue of a lawyer, nor is it lawful to be
disputed. It is atheism and blasphemy to dispute what God can do: good
Christians content themselves with His will revealed in His word; so it
is presumption and high contempt in a subject to dispute what a king can
do, or say that a king cannot do this or that; but rest in that which is
the king's will revealed in his law." What James meant was that there
must be in every state a power above the law to provide for
emergencies as they arise, and to keep the authorities--judicial and
administrative--from jostling with one another. At present this power
belongs to Parliament. When Elizabeth handed on the government to James,
it belonged to the Crown. What James did not understand was that, in the
long run, no one--either king or Parliament--will be allowed to exercise
powers which are unwisely used. Such an idea probably never entered into
James's mind, because he was convinced that he was himself not only the
best but the wisest of men, whereas he was in reality--as Henry IV. of
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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