A Theological-Political Treatise [Part IV]Spinoza, Benedictus de
PhilosophyPhilosophy
A Theological-Political Treatise [Part IV]
Spinoza, Benedictus de
Free thought -- Early works to 1800; Philosophy and religion -- Early works to 1800; Political science -- Early works to 1800
(20:45) It is far from possible to impose uniformity of speech, for the more
rulers strive to curtail freedom of speech, the more obstinately are
they resisted; not indeed by the avaricious, the flatterers, and other
numskulls, who think supreme salvation consists in filling their stomachs
and gloating over their money-bags, but by those whom good education, sound
morality, and virtue have rendered more free. (46) Men, as generally
constituted, are most prone to resent the branding as criminal of opinions
which they believe to be true, and the proscription as wicked of that which
inspires them with piety towards God and man; hence they are ready to
forswear the laws and conspire against the authorities, thinking it not
shameful but honourable to stir up seditions and perpetuate any sort of
crime with this end in view. (47) Such being the constitution of human
nature, we see that laws directed against opinions affect the generous
minded rather than the wicked, and are adapted less for coercing criminals
than for irritating the upright; so that they cannot be maintained without
great peril to the state.
(20:48) Moreover, such laws are almost always useless, for those who hold
that the opinions proscribed are sound, cannot possibly obey the law;
whereas those who already reject them as false, accept the law as a kind of
privilege, and make such boast of it, that authority is powerless to repeal
it, even if such a course be subsequently desired.
(20:49) To these considerations may be added what we said in Chapter XVIII.
in treating of the history of the Hebrews. (50) And, lastly, how many
schisms have arisen in the Church from the attempt of the authorities to
decide by law the intricacies of theological controversy! (51) If men were
not allured by the hope of getting the law and the authorities on their
side, of triumphing over their adversaries in the sight of an applauding
multitude, and of acquiring honourable distinctions, they would not strive
so maliciously, nor would such fury sway their minds. (52) This is taught
not only by reason but by daily examples, for laws of this kind prescribing
what every man shall believe and forbidding anyone to speak or write to the
contrary, have often been passed, as sops or concessions to the anger of
those who cannot tolerate men of enlightenment, and who, by such harsh and
crooked enactments, can easily turn the devotion of the masses into fury and
direct it against whom they will. (53) How much better would it be
to restrain popular anger and fury, instead of passing useless laws,
which can only be broken by those who love virtue and the liberal arts, thus
paring down the state till it is too small to harbour men of talent. (54)
What greater misfortune for a state can be conceived then that honourable
men should be sent like criminals into exile, because they hold diverse
opinions which they cannot disguise? (55) What, I say, can be more hurtful
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