Russia -- History -- Revolution, 1905-1907; Russia -- Politics and government -- 1894-1917; Russia -- Social conditions -- 1801-1917
“No,” said Dimitri Nikolaievitch, “I do not; and for this reason: I
think that all talk about the loan now is, as Hamlet said, ‘Words,
words, words.’ What does it all amount to? The Government say that
unless the loan had been made before the Duma had met national
bankruptcy would have ensued. The Liberals say a fortnight more or less
could not have mattered, and the Government made the loan to be
independent of the Duma. To which it is answered that the money is
obviously for past deficits and not for present schemes. But, say
others, the real reason why the loan was made before the Duma met was
that had it not been made the Government would have been absolutely at
the mercy of the Duma. ‘That is exactly what we wanted,’ say the Social
revolutionaries, because, short of such pressure, the Government will
never do anything constitutional. ‘The Government should have trusted
the patriotism of the Duma to accept the loan,’ say the Liberals. ‘The
foreign bankers have dealt a dastardly blow at the movement for Russian
freedom,’ say the Social revolutionaries. I say that this is all ‘Words,
words, words.’ The money was imperatively necessary. National bankruptcy
cannot be the best springboard for the initial leap of the Duma. And as
to its effect on the movement of liberation—that is, I believe, the
polite term for what I call the Revolution—I do not believe that it
matters one straw. Supposing the loan had been postponed, the bitterness
against the Government would not have been lessened, and national
bankruptcy would not have made the situation any easier for the Cadets.
You will object that the Social revolutionaries probably would have
welcomed national bankruptcy. Of course, everything depends on the
action of the Government now. What will happen? This Ministry cannot
face the Duma. M. Durnovo will have to resign. It has been published all
this week in the newspapers that Count Witte has resigned. We infer from
this that Count Witte intends either to remain without M. Durnovo or to
leave. But supposing his resignation is accepted and M. Durnovo
remains?”
“But you do not think——” I interrupted.
“All things are possible,” rejoined Dimitri Nikolaievitch; “remember
that; because a course is suicidal that is no guarantee that it will not
be taken; the contrary rather is true. Remember the story of Rehoboam I
have just read you: ‘Es ist eine alte Geschichte, doch bleibt sie immer
neu.’”
“But in any case,” I asked, “how do you think any present or future
Government will deal with the Duma?”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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