Certainly, we do not present the doubtfulness of such a prospect, pending on such contingencies, as an objection to the measure; but as one that claims to be considered in this discussion, that will of course be considered by the parties immediately concerned. It is impossible to determine beforehand how many influences, in such a new state of things, might operate to their discouragement or the contrary, or what would be the balance of those influences on either side, after each shall have been neutralized by each, to the extent of their action. It is sufficiently obvious, however, that they would require all the capital invested in a fair indemnification for the property resigned, to work such a system advantageously. It would be enough, and probably more than many of them could well endure, to change all their habits of society and of living so entirely as the new system would require; and those who could not satisfactorily accommodate themselves to it, would of course emigrate--and a general disposition to emigrate would probably involve political ruin--that is, ruin absolute; for nothing is better for mankind, in their associated capacity, than political prosperity, and nothing worse than political adversity. Admitting, then, that the effects of the operation of such a system on the internal condition, absolute wealth, and political prosperity of the present slave States, would present the result as _simply doubtful_, as to what it would be with the capital of indemnification available on the premises--what would it be without any indemnification at all? We think this question might fairly be set down as the end of the story and of the argument. Every practical man must see, that it would be beggary and ruin; and that the entire field must be abandoned to the colored race, now there, to set up such a state of society as they might be able, unless the Government of the United States, in charity, should take it in charge as an immense poor house, to make the best of it they could--the white population in the mean time, reduced to poverty, and going out where they might, to begin the world anew. But do the Abolitionists say, “These are questions we never regard ourselves as bound to consider, and consequences with which we have nothing to do.” But gentlemen, you _are_ bound to consider these questions; you _cannot_ rid yourselves of the responsibility of these consequences, if the work that produces them be yours. “But, _no matter_ what becomes of the master, so the slave be free; if the master _should_ be ruined, he has well deserved it.” _Say_ this, gentlemen, but _once_--say it _openly_, _fairly_, _publicly_, that the world may understand you--and we think, that will be enough.