Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865; Presidents -- United States -- Biography; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865
The very inception of the struggle had provoked bitter words. Before
the third Nebraska bill had yet been introduced into the Senate, the
then little band of "Free-Soilers" in Congress--Chase, Sumner,
Giddings, and three others--had issued a newspaper address calling the
repeal "a gross violation of a sacred pledge"; "a criminal betrayal of
precious rights"; "an atrocious plot," "designed to cover up from
public reprehension meditated bad faith," etc. Douglas, seizing only
too gladly the pretext to use denunciation instead of argument,
replied in his opening speech, in turn stigmatizing them as "abolition
confederates" "assembled in secret conclave" "on the holy Sabbath
while other Senators were engaged in divine worship"--"plotting," "in
the name of the holy religion"; "perverting," and "calumniating the
committee"; "appealing with a smiling face to his courtesy to get time
to circulate their document before its infamy could be exposed," etc.
[Sidenote: "Globe" March 14, 1854, p. 617.]
[Sidenote: Ibid., p. 618.]
The key-notes of the discussion thus given were well sustained on both
sides, and crimination and recrimination increased with the heat and
intensity of the campaign. The gradual disruption of parties, and the
new and radical attitudes assumed by men of independent thought, gave
ample occasion to indulge in such epithets as "apostates,"
"renegades," and "traitors." Unusual acrimony grew out of the zeal of
the Church and its ministers. The clergymen of the Northern States not
only spoke against the repeal from their pulpits, but forwarded
energetic petitions against it to Congress, 3050 clergymen of New
England of different denominations joining their signatures in one
protest. "We protest against it," they said, "as a great moral wrong,
as a breach of faith eminently unjust to the moral principles of the
community, and subversive of all confidence in national engagements;
as a measure full of danger to the peace and even the existence of our
beloved Union, and exposing us to the righteous judgment of the
Almighty." In return, Douglas made a most virulent onslaught on their
political action. "Here we find," he retorted, "that a large body of
preachers, perhaps three thousand, following the lead of a circular
which was issued by the abolition confederates in this body,
calculated to deceive and mislead the public, have here come forward
with an atrocious falsehood, and an atrocious calumny against this
Senate, desecrated the pulpit, and prostituted the sacred desk to the
miserable and corrupting influence of party politics." All his
newspapers and partisans throughout the country caught the style and
spirit of his warfare, and boldly denied the moral right of the clergy
to take part in politics otherwise than by a silent vote. But they, on
the other hand, persisted all the more earnestly in justifying their
interference in moral questions wherever they appeared, and were
clearly sustained by the public opinion of the North.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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