Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. BURKE said, gentlemen were contending for nothing; that the value of
a slave averaged about eighty pounds, and the duty on that sum at five
per cent. would be ten dollars. As Congress could go no further than
that sum, he conceived it made no difference whether they were
enumerated or left in the common mass.
Mr. MADISON.--If we contend for nothing, the gentlemen who are opposed
to us do not contend for a great deal. But the question is, whether the
five per cent. _ad valorem_, on all articles imported, will have any
operation at all upon the introduction of slaves, unless we make a
particular enumeration on this account. The collector may mistake; for
he would not presume to apply the term goods, wares, and merchandise to
any person whatsoever. But if that general definition of goods, wares,
and merchandise, is supposed to include African slaves, why may we not
particularly enumerate them, and lay the duty pointed out by the
constitution, which, as gentlemen tell us, is no more than five per
cent. upon their value. This will not increase the burthen upon any; but
it will be that manifestation of our sense expected by our constituents,
and demanded by justice and humanity.
Mr. BLAND had no doubt of the propriety or good policy of this measure.
He had made up his mind upon it; he wished slaves had never been
introduced into America. But if it was impossible at this time to cure
the evil, he was very willing to join in any measures that would prevent
its extending further. He had some doubts whether the prohibitory laws
of the States were not in part repealed. Those who had endeavored to
discountenance this trade by laying a duty on the importation, were
prevented by the constitution from continuing such regulation, which
declares that no State shall lay any impost or duties on imports. If
this were the case, and he suspected pretty strongly that it was, the
necessity of adopting the proposition of his colleague was more
apparent.
Mr. SHERMAN said the constitution does not consider these persons as
species of property; it speaks of them as persons, and says, that a tax
or duty may be imposed on the importation of them into any State which
shall permit the same, but they have no power to prohibit such
importation for twenty years. But Congress have power to declare upon
what terms persons coming into the United States shall be entitled to
citizenship; the rule of naturalization must, however, be uniform. He
was convinced there were others who ought to be regulated in this
particular, the importation of whom was of an evil tendency; he meant
convicts particularly. He thought that some regulation respecting them
was also proper; but it being a different subject, it ought to be taken
up in a different manner.
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