Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. TUCKER.--The objection made by the gentleman near me is,
undoubtedly, well founded. I think it proper to strike out all the words
alluded to, because the following are sufficient to answer every
valuable purpose, namely, "to prepare and report estimates of the public
revenue and public expenditures." If we authorize him to prepare and
report plans, it will create an interference of the executive with the
legislative powers; it will abridge the particular privilege of this
House; for the constitution expressly declares, that all bills for
raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives. How can
the business originate in this House, if we have it reported to us by
the Minister of Finance? All the information that can be required, may
be called for, without adopting a clause that may undermine the
authority of this House, and the security of the people. The
constitution has pointed out the proper method of communication between
the executive and legislative departments; it is made the duty of the
President to give, from time to time, information to Congress of the
state of the Union, and to recommend to their consideration such
measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. If revenue plans
are to be prepared and reported to Congress, here is the proper person
to do it; he is responsible to the people for what he recommends, and
will be more cautious than any other person to whom a less degree of
responsibility is attached. Under this clause, you give the Secretary of
the Treasury a right to obtrude upon you plans, not only undigested, but
even improper to be taken up.
I hope the House is not already weary of executing and sustaining the
powers vested in them by the constitution; and yet it would argue that
we thought ourselves less adequate to determine than any individual what
burthens our constituents are equal to bear. This is not answering the
high expectations that were formed of our exertions for the general
good, or of our vigilance in guarding our own and the people's rights.
In short, Mr. Chairman, I can never agree to have money bills originated
and forced upon this House by a man destitute of legislative authority,
while the constitution gives such power solely to the House of
Representatives; for this reason, I cheerfully second the motion for
striking out the words.
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