Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
I apprehend it will be found that a Land Office will effect these
objects better than any other plan that can be devised. If this should
be effectual, and no doubt can be entertained but it will, the
inhabitants of the United States cannot, with a good grace, be called
upon for heavy taxes in order to pay the interest on a debt which can be
so easily and properly extinguished. Every individual who contemplates
the subject, will see how much it is his interest to buy a few dollars
in certificates, and purchase a piece of land with them, which will
annihilate the debt, and prevent the demand for taxes to pay the
interest; besides, it will remain as a security to reimburse the
principal to the proprietor, as the population of the country extends;
but, at all events, it would be but advancing four or five years'
interest, and the whole debt would be absorbed.
If we mean to sell our lands for ready money, or mean to trust, we have
a superior advantage. It is more probable that the necessitous person
who wants the land for the subsistence of himself and family, will labor
harder to procure a property of this kind, and secure it for himself,
than the speculator who never means to pay a farthing until he has
received it from the sale of the land; besides, the necessitous person
is better able to buy of Government than of the speculator, because he
can get it cheaper. The purchasers of large tracts retail out their land
to this class of men, and certainly charge them something for their
trouble. But if we sell on credit, as under the Proprietary Government
was the practice in Pennsylvania, those who take out small quantities
get their land surveyed, and set themselves down; they cultivate the
ground, and erect buildings for their own accommodation. Land, in this
improved state, furnishes a better security to Government for any
arrearage of purchase money, than a large tract sold on speculation, and
which lies in the same state of nature as it did when it was disposed
of, perhaps adding thereto the expense of making the survey. If the land
must revert to Congress at last for default of payment, we get nothing
in the latter case; whereas, when sold in lots, if a man has settled
himself down, and paid for his warrant and survey, which costs the Union
nothing, but for the first price and interest thereon, it must strike
every gentleman's mind that it would be disagreeable, after a man had
made a settlement for three or four years, to have to turn out. Rather
than do this, he would make every exertion to discharge the price: if
his situation was so wretched as not to furnish the means, some of his
neighbors, on such security, might befriend him; but at any rate
Government would be secure. By this argument, I do not mean to insist
that Congress should sell their lands on trust; they may do so, or sell
for ready pay, as their wisdom may think eligible. I shall be satisfied
either way.
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