Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. WHITE said, if a certain sum was assigned for the expenses, the
report would be better; but as it now stood, there was no certainty in
it. One President might circumscribe it to a quarter part of the expense
another would; consequently, the compensation could not be fixed.
He admitted the propriety of paying the salary in advance for the first
year, as mentioned by the gentleman from South Carolina. He expected
this would be sufficient to defray the extra expenses, without
subjecting the President to any inconvenience.
Mr. BOUDINOT.--If the Legislature may provide the house and furniture,
they may go further on the same principle, and provide for the rest; he
was satisfied it should be so, because it could be no infringement on
the constitution.
Mr. LIVERMORE hoped the words would be struck out; indeed he was sorry
they had ever been put in. The clause in the constitution is intended to
tie down the Legislature, as well as the President; they shall make him
no compliments while in office, he shall receive nothing but a fixed
compensation for his services. Give him then this compensation, let it
be equal to his usefulness; but do not direct him to employ so much to
one use, and so much to another; it cannot be called a compensation when
you direct how it is to be expended; besides, it was wrong on another
account; why should we pretend to direct him in the style in which he
shall live? Let him have a salary, and expend it in the manner he shall
think proper.
Mr. PAGE was for striking out all the words, because he conceived it
would be against the spirit of the constitution. It would be much more
handsome to make one general provision, than to be thus particular in
enumerating the articles of expense. It has been hinted, that these
articles of expense would amount to half the sum mentioned in the report
to be given as a compensation; if so, he would propose to strike out all
that related to the subject, and so insert twenty-five or thirty
thousand, as the House shall deem most eligible.
Mr. STONE thought the President ought to be at liberty to live in any
style he thought proper, and that the House ought to give him such
compensation as they thought his services merited. If you furnish him
with a house, horses, and carriages, you declare that this is the house,
the horses, and the carriages which he shall use. There is certainly
some degree of indelicacy in this; if he was a private gentleman, he
would be at liberty to use such as he liked best. Suppose he dislikes
them, and will not have them, he is guilty of a breach of the law, is it
intended by the House to impeach him for it? I apprehend it is not, for
no part of the constitution gives us a right to dictate to him on this
head. He would rather let the President set the example how he ought to
live, than see the Legislature direct him. Economy is by no means
disadvantageous to the United States; if the President chooses to live
in an economical manner, we ought not to prevent him.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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