Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 1 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. SEDGWICK said, that whenever he had a motion to make before the
House, he endeavored to satisfy himself of the reasonableness and
propriety of it. If he thought it proper, he did not consider the mode
of decision that might be adopted of any material consequence; but in
determining the present question, he hoped the yeas and nays would not
be called. There is a principle in mankind which revolts at the idea of
inferiority; a proposition, for example, shall be made, that has for its
object the establishment of a superiority (howsoever necessary;) that
principle is alarmed and excited to opposition; to discuss such a
question as the present, we ought to be divested of every partiality and
prejudice, that might bias our judgment in deciding an affair that will
not bear the test of reason and experience. I conceive the precedence of
the Senate has been clearly pointed out by the Constitution. There are
grades in society which are necessary to their very existence. This is a
self-evident proposition; it is recognized by every civilized nation,
and by the House in the report before us. For what reason have we made a
difference between the President and Vice President? Is it not on
account of his superior station and his dignity? And between the Vice
President and the Senate? This distinction is likewise established by
the constitution in the difference of the terms for which the members of
the Senate and those of the House of Representatives are chosen. The
time for which the Senate is chosen, demonstrates the propriety of a
difference being made in the pay they ought to receive; the duties of
their office require they should renounce every other avocation; their
attention will be wholly taken up in the discharge of public business;
therefore they should have an adequate and an independent allowance. The
generality of the members being so far advanced in years, will drop
every idea of engaging any more in their several professions, after
having once engaged in the service of their country. Their age, wisdom,
and experience, all warrant this discrimination. He concluded by saying,
that the real dignity of the House was, he thought, so far from being
diminished by adopting the proposition, that he conceived it was
essentially connected with it.
Mr. STONE thought the House ought not to assist in elevating one branch
of the Government more above the other than the constitution had done.
This had given influence to the Senate by a negative in the cases of
treaties and appointments. It had given importance to the House, by
vesting them with the sole power of originating money bills. But both
these powers could be exercised without a discrimination being made in
the pay of the members; therefore he inferred that it was not
contemplated by the constitution to make any such distinction.
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