Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
If he understood that gentleman, he said that the making an enumeration
of slaves would make no difference in the expense. He did not know how
this could be. If two objects were to do, viz: to value and assess the
land, and to enumerate and value the slave, it was new doctrine to him,
if these two things would not cost more than if only one had been done;
or, if this business would be done for nothing, it would be one of the
first things the United States had had done upon those terms.
Upon the collection, there would also be an additional expense and a
probability of loss; the more detail there was in the business, the
greater liability to error and loss to the United States; and in
proportion to this loss would these States pay less than others.
Mr. HARTLEY said, he should at present vote for the proposition; but
should feel himself at liberty to vote differently on the bill, if he
did not approve it. Difficulties arose in his mind as to the propriety
of taxing personal property in one State and not in another, by which
means a bounty seemed to be given on land in the Southern States to the
amount of the difference of the taxes between the land in those States,
and that in other States, upon which purchasers would naturally
calculate. This difficulty might probably be removed from his mind; and,
therefore, in order to give the whole of the business a fair chance, he
should wish the resolutions to go back to the Committee of Ways and
Means, to bring in a bill.
Mr. PAGE did suppose that gentlemen coming from States which were in the
habit of collecting direct taxes, would have endeavored to accommodate
the business to the situation and circumstances of different States, so
as to make the system the most convenient to each. He did suppose that,
whenever it should have been determined to enter upon direct taxation,
that sums would have been apportioned to each State, and that they would
have been left to themselves to have raised the money in the way which
they thought most convenient. Insuperable objections, however, it
seemed, had been found against this system, as appeared from the report
of the Secretary of the Treasury; but it was unreasonable that the
Northern States should complain that the Southern States would pay the
tax with greater facility than them. They might, he said, as well
complain against the richness of their soil, or the warmness of their
climate.
With respect to the tax falling lighter on them than on other States,
those who held slaves would find it lighter, but those who had none,
would not. But he thought it extraordinary that, whilst they were
upbraided with holding a species of property peculiar to their country,
they should also be upbraided with wishing to pay a duty upon that
property.
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