Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. SITGREAVES, in answer to the gentleman last up, said he would
reverse his question, and ask what evidence he had to prove that these
men are not freemen; can he prove they are slaves? They have stated that
a law has been made in North Carolina with a view to affect their case,
and bring them again into a worse slavery than before; they want to know
whether they cannot obtain relief by their application to the Government
of the United States. Under these circumstances, Mr. S. wished to know
why their petitions should not be taken into consideration? Was there
any thing in these men, he asked, that should prevent every kind of
assistance being bestowed on them? Had they not an equal right to be
heard with other petitioners? He hoped the House would not only give
them a hearing, but afford them all the consolation of which their
unfortunate case was susceptible. If the House were obliged, through a
want of power to extend to the case, to object compliance with the
prayers, yet, he hoped it would be done with all due tenderness; before
hearing them, he thought it would be exceedingly unjust to decide. These
people may produce documents sufficient to obtain favorable attention;
therefore, it was impossible before they were heard to conceive whether
the House could constitutionally grant relief or not. He could see no
impropriety in referring it; the object of referring a case, was to
inquire into facts; thus, the committee prepared the way for discussion
in the House; and why the House should refuse to deliberate and discuss
this case, he knew not.
Mr. HEATH was clearly convinced these people were slaves, and therefore
hoped their petition would lie on the table. He would remind the
gentleman that, if they undertook this business, they would soon have
petitions enough of the same kind, and public business would be thereby
prevented. It appeared to him to be more within the jurisdiction of the
Legislature of that State; indeed, the United States had nothing to do
with it.
Mr. MADISON said, he should be sorry to reject any petition whatever, in
which it became the business of the House to attend; but he thought this
case had no claim on their attention. Yet, if it did not come within the
purview of the Legislative body, he thought, it might be suffered to lie
on the table. He thought it a judicial case, and could obtain its due in
a Court of Appeal in that State. If they are free by the laws of North
Carolina, they ought to apply to those laws, and have their privilege
established. If they are slaves, the constitution gives them no hope of
being heard here. A law has been passed to prevent the owners of those
slaves emancipating them; it is therefore impossible that any relief can
be granted. The petitioners are under the laws of North Carolina, and
those laws cannot be the interpreters of the laws of the United States.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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