Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. MACON said, he had hearkened very closely to the observations of
gentlemen on the subject, and could see no reason to alter his desire
that it would not be committed. No man, he said, wished to encourage
petitions more than himself, and no man had considered this subject
more. These men could not receive any aid from the General Government;
but by application to the State, justice would be done them. Trials of
this kind had very frequently been brought on in all the different
courts of that State, and had very often ended in the freedom of slaves;
the appeal was fair, and justice was done. Mr. M. thought it a very
delicate subject for the General Government to act on; he hoped it would
not be committed; but he should not be sorry if the proposition of a
gentleman (Mr. SMITH) was to take place, that it was to be sent back
again.
Mr. W. SMITH observed, that a gentleman (Mr. THATCHER) had uttered a
wish to draw these people from their state of slavery to liberty. Mr. S.
did not think they were sent there to take up the subject of
emancipation. When subjects of this kind are brought up in the House
they ought to be deprecated as dangerous. They tended to produce very
uncomfortable circumstances.
Mr. VARNUM said, the petitioners had received injury under a law of the
United States, (the fugitive act) and not merely a law of North
Carolina, and therefore, he thought, they had an undoubted right to the
attention of the General Government if that act bore hard on them. They
stated themselves to be freemen, and he did not see any opposition of
force to convince the House they were not; surely it could not be said
that color alone should designate them as slaves. If these people had
been free, and yet were taken up under a law of the United States, and
put into prison, then it appeared plainly the duty of the House to
inquire whether that act had such an unjust tendency, and if it had,
proper amendments should be made to it to prevent the like consequences
in future. It required nothing more under that act than that the person
suspected should be brought before a single magistrate, and evidence
given that he is a slave, which evidence the magistrate could not know
if distant from the State; the person may be a freeman, for it would not
be easy to know whether the evidence was good, at a distance from the
State; the poor man is then sent to his State in slavery. Mr. V. hoped
the House would take all possible care that freemen should not be made
slaves; to be deprived of liberty was more important than to be deprived
of property. He could not think why gentlemen should be against having
the fact examined; if it appears that they are slaves, the petition will
of course be dismissed, but if it should appear they are free, and
receive injury under the fugitive act, the United States ought to amend
it, so that justice should be done.
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