Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
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Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
This question, he said, was capable of being considered under two points
of view: the one whether the measure was proper; the other, if the
measure was proper, whether it would not be better postponed for the
present. Both of these points required a considerable degree of
attention. There was a variety of considerations on both sides of the
question, and it remained for them to determine for the best.
Was it proper for this country, he asked, to turn its attention towards
marine strength? Did not our situation, and the circumstances in which
we stand, compel us to turn our attention to this object? He thought
they did, and for one or two reasons which he would submit to the
consideration of the committee.
It appeared to him out of the question that any kind of commerce should
be continued without some ships-of-war to protect it. This was the
dilemma in which we were placed. It was said by some gentlemen that this
dilemma might be avoided, by suffering commerce to go on unprotected,
and subject it to all risks; and that even then, there would be
sufficient benefit arising from it, to induce its continuance. This he
did not believe. If persons engaged in commerce could have no dependence
upon the protection of Government, a very few years, perhaps a few
months more, might convince them that the business could not and ought
not to be continued.
The present Government, he said, had only been in existence eight years,
and for nearly four of them commerce had been subject to every kind of
depredation. The usual calculation with respect to Europe was, that
during every ten years, it would be subject to war, and that these wars
would have a duration of from six to eight years, in the course of which
our property and citizens would be subject to the same violations and
injuries which they had for the last four years experienced, if no
provision was made, by a naval power, to prevent it.
Brought to this dilemma, said he, which side will you take? Will you
give up commerce, or build a Navy to protect it? Besides, he said, a
great part of our citizens who had been trained up in commerce from
their infancy, could not be driven from that kind of employment to which
they had always been accustomed. They could not be induced, like the
Chinese, to stay at home; they would be engaged in commerce, their
favorite pursuit. If they, then, were compelled to protect commerce, he
asked if there was any other way of doing it than by a Navy? He believed
not. Treaties afford a feeble and very inadequate protection; they were
broken whenever it suited the interest of a nation to break them.
Letters of marque might afford some protection; but this would operate
as a heavier tax upon the people than even the support of the Navy. The
money which a merchant expended in this way would eventually come upon
the people in the price which they would be obliged to pay for their
merchandise, and the means would be very inadequate to protection.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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