Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
In making treaties he wished to know what was meant by two-thirds of the
members of the Senate present? If the number present happened not to be
divisible by three, would that gentleman say, that, in that case, the
next number above the number present must be taken, which would be
divisible by three, and that if two-thirds of that number did not concur
in the vote for the treaty, no treaty should be ratified? On that
principle, in some instances, a greater proportion of the Senate would
be necessary to ratify a treaty than had been usually understood,
according to the generally received opinion of the sense of the
constitution in this respect.
Upon the whole, he believed it would be best to reject the report, as,
besides the objections alluded to, it was confessedly inaccurate in some
of its parts, and adopt the resolution sent from the Senate, which
applied only to the amendment respecting the suability of States. If the
House meant to go any further, they might introduce the first and second
amendments proposed at the same time with the other ten, but which had
not yet been ratified.
Mr. HARPER said, he would add a word or two to what he had already
offered on this subject. He did not know whether the House thought with
him on this subject, that it was a doubtful point whether the ten
amendments in question had been ratified according to the sense of the
constitution. If they did, they would of course, vote for the report.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania, he acknowledged, had not only shown his
knowledge in arithmetic, but also his wit, which had not until now been
brought before them. In the enjoyment of the last he had participated in
common with the House.
Mr. DAYTON (the Speaker) was in favor of rejecting the resolution
reported by the select committee, as it embraced too many objects, and
held out a kind of invitation for States to come forward and propose
amendments to the constitution. He trusted the first of the amendments,
proposed in 1789, relative to the proportion of representation, never
would be agreed to, as it would have extremely mischievous effects.
Indeed, if any thing were done with respect to that amendment, he should
think it ought to be to request those States which have not adopted it,
not to do it, and those who have agreed to it, to revoke their vote in
favor of it.
The question was then taken on the resolution reported, and negatived,
without division.
The resolution was as follows:
"_Resolved_, That the President of the United States be
requested to apply, as speedily as may be, to all those
States, by which, as far as can be known from the official
documents heretofore transmitted, all or any of the
amendments, at any time proposed by Congress, still remains
to be ratified; and to obtain from them authentic
information of the proceedings had by them, respectively,
on the subject of those amendments, or any of them."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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