Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. VENABLE said, if this was a mere question of expense, it was very
extraordinary that it should have called forth such a philippic from the
gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. AMES,) who had charged the House with
arrogating to itself all the powers of Government; as being omnipotent.
Upon what ground could he found such charges? If it were a question of
expense merely, there could certainly be no ground for such charges; but
if it were to be considered as a question of power, if they were to be
told they dared not to withhold the appropriation in question, here he
would intrench himself as a Representative of the people; he had a
right, as a member of that House, to vote against the expense which he
thought improper, and he would exercise that right. Every branch of
Government had the same right, and he wished them to exercise it. And he
would not be told, when he was about to exercise this right, that he was
arrogating to himself all the powers of Government. He was determined to
exercise his discretion on every question which came before him for
decision, and he would vote against this expense.
Mr. NICHOLAS said, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. AMES) seldom
spoke without casting some denunciation against that House. He had,
however, allowed that the PRESIDENT had done, with respect to this
fleet, all that any gentleman had charged him with doing; he had even
put the case stronger than any other person had put it; for he had said
that the Executive had determined to build the vessels of a larger size
than had been contemplated by the Legislature, in order to be an
overmatch for any other frigate. All this, said Mr. N., may be right,
and the approbation he gave this conduct, was a proof the gentleman
thought so; all he had to say was, that it was not legal; it might be
patriotic, and be done with an intention to serve the country; the
PRESIDENT might understand the interests of the country better than
they; but it was a conduct which would not meet with the same
approbation from him that it met with from the gentleman from
Massachusetts. That gentleman had also said that a law imposed a duty
upon the House to find the means for carrying it into effect. Were they
not, then, to be called upon for money to man the frigates? He asked
those gentlemen whether the PRESIDENT had not a right to man the
frigates, and if so, whether they should not be _obliged_ to find the
money?
The powers of this House to control appropriations, had, however,
already been settled. It was, indeed, an absurdity to call a body a
Legislature, and at the same time deny them a control over the public
purse; if this were not so, where would be the use of going through the
forms of that House with a money bill? The Executive might as well draw
upon the Treasury at once for whatever sums he might stand in need of. A
doctrine like this would be scouted even in despotic countries.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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