Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
With respect to the second part of his observations, as to the absolute
necessity under which every member lay to vote for the sum required for
finishing the frigates, because the building of them was directed by
law, this was a most important point. He thought this involved one of
the most valuable principles which that House possessed, and which
should never be lost sight of, viz: the right of every member to
exercise his discretion upon every question, appropriations as well as
others, which came before him. Did not the gentleman know that the most
solemn decision had taken place last session on this subject, by a large
majority? Indeed, said he, this sentiment was so ingrafted in the
constitution that the House could not divest themselves of it; for the
gentleman to say they did not possess it, was to make a dead letter of
their privileges. There could be no doubt on the subject; and it was a
sacred and essential principle which would go further to preserve our
liberties than any other which they possessed. He trusted, therefore,
they should guard it with special care.
Mr. GALLATIN said, he did not mean to follow the gentleman from
Massachusetts in what he had said on this subject, because he had not
felt the force of what he had advanced, nor very well understood what he
meant. Both his meaning and his motive for bringing this subject before
them to-day were to him mysterious. He had brought before them the
Treaty question anew, and it would be recollected what were the feelings
of the House on that occasion; but he could see no relation which it
bore to the present question; and though a number of members in that
House had asserted that they were bound to appropriate money to carry a
treaty into effect, he did not believe they were ready to say the same
with respect to laws.
The gentleman from Massachusetts had said, that if they put a meaning
upon the constitution in this respect different from him, that they
arrogated the supreme power to themselves. Did not he know that the
doctrine applied to the Senate as well as to that House? and did he not
see that that would be a check upon the abuse of it in either House,
since it was a weapon which both could use?
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