Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. W. LYMAN did not doubt of the services of the Marquis Lafayette; he
was always the subject of adoration and the toast of this country.
Besides, it has made him liberal grants for his services, and he thought
there could be no proof that we were wanting in marks of esteem for him.
With respect to the motion, Mr. L. asked, to whom was application to be
made? Does any gentleman on this floor know who confined him, or by
order of what government? No court are willing to avow it. Britain,
France, and Prussia disavow it, and he believed the Emperor also. Until
that was clear, the measure would be improper. May not the agitation of
such a question in the House awaken a jealousy in some of those powers
towards us, which may militate to our injury, and injure the man whom
the attempt is meant to serve? Gentlemen have depicted his sufferings in
very lively colors, said Mr. L., and were it in my power, or were it
consistently in the power of the House, I should be very happy to afford
relief. Until some of the difficulties in its way were cleared, he said,
he should be forced to put his negative to it. He thought gentlemen who
saw the matter so necessary, and the way so clear, had reason to
reproach themselves for letting it sleep so long, and for having
introduced it at the last hour of the session of the Houses.
Mr. HARPER and Mr. LIVINGSTON said that nothing but the constant press
of public business had prevented their motions sooner, and they thought
there was even now time enough, as it only required the expression of a
desire of the House for the object.
Mr. BUCK said the services and sufferings of the Marquis were indelibly
written on the hearts of all the citizens of America, and he thought
there was no need of that torrent of oratory which had been displayed to
affect the feelings of the House. He thought it would prove its weakness
to suffer its feelings to predominate. We ought to give a decision only
by the force of judgment, after due deliberation; for _feeling_ could
not look forward to consequences. Were we implicitly to obey it, we
should take many bad steps. Do we not know, said Mr. B., that he is
among the persons proscribed by France? and, considering the very
brittle situation of our peace with that country at present, we should
be induced rather to strengthen than weaken our ties; for the motion
goes to authorize the PRESIDENT to take _any_ measures to support
Lafayette. This being the situation, we know not where the measures may
end, and it would be a serious thing to be plunged in a war with France
on that account. He hoped the House would not precipitate the business,
but give themselves time to examine the consequences. This, Mr. B. said,
had induced him to oppose the motion. Though congenial to his feelings,
he therefore should vote for the previous, and against the main
question.
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