The 18th article of the British Treaty, respecting the carrying of provisions, always struck him as a very important one. It had heretofore been contended that this article did not go to any provisions except such as were carrying to besieged or blockaded places; but he believed the British had constantly made it a pretence for seizing provisions going to France. Indeed, if he was not mistaken, the British Minister had publicly declared in the House of Commons, that the provisions on board the vessels intended for the Quiberoon expedition had been supplied from what had been captured in American vessels. Mr. N. contended that this was the opinion of the Executive of this country, as published in all the public papers, and of course known to the Government of France. In the letter of Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Pinckney in 1793, he declares that there is only one case in which provisions are contraband, and shows the necessity of a neutral nation observing the same rules towards all the powers at war. But, in the present case, the right was ceded during the present war. It was an unfortunate circumstance against the neutrality of this country, to find a doctrine so differently applied at different times. It was a strong proof of the progress of the passions. It might be considered as a fraudulent thing, in one instance, to give up a right for a compensation to ourselves. Mr. N. concluded with observing that he had gone over the subject, he feared, not without being considered tedious by the committee; but he felt himself greatly interested in the present decision. He believed any additional irritation in their measures would place peace out of our reach. He believed, therefore, it was their business to avoid it. He believed it would be for the honor and happiness of the country to do so. Mr. W. SMITH said, as the gentleman last up had taken a wide range of argument, he must excuse him if he confined himself, in his reply, to those parts of his observations only which appeared to him essentially to relate to the subject under consideration. He believed the question was, whether they should alter the report in the manner proposed; that is, whether they should strike out words which expressed the sensibility of this House at the unprovoked insults offered by the French Republic to our Government and country, or adopt the gentleman's amendment, which he read. If they agreed to this amendment, they must necessarily expect from the French Republic fresh insult and aggression; for it seemed to admit that hitherto no insult had been intended.