Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Another engine, he observed, had been wielded with singular dexterity.
Much had been effected by the use, or rather abuse, of the terms
federalist and anti-federalist, federalism and anti-federalism. When the
Federal Constitution was submitted to the people, to approve it, and
endeavor to procure its ratification, it was federalism. Afterwards,
when the Government was organized and in operation, to approve every
measure of the Executive and support every proposition from the
Secretary of the Treasury, was federalism; and those who entertained
even doubts of their propriety, though they had been instrumental in
procuring the adoption of the constitution, were called
anti-federalists. In 1794 to be opposed to Madison's propositions, the
resolution for the sequestration of the British debts, and the
resolution prohibiting all intercourse with Great Britain, was
federalism. In 1796 it was federalism to advocate the British Treaty;
and now he presumed that it would be federalism to support the report of
the committee and hightoned measures with respect to France. In 1793 he
acknowledged that federalism assumed a very different attitude from what
it had on the present occasion; it was then the attitude of meekness, of
humanity, and supplication. The men who exclusively styled themselves
federalists, could only deplore with unavailing sighs the impotence of
their country, and throw it upon the benevolence and magnanimity of the
British Monarch. Their perturbed imaginations could even then see our
cities sacked and burnt, and our citizens slaughtered. On the frontier
they heard the war-hoop, and the groans of helpless women and children,
the tortured victims of savage vengeance. Now we are at once risen from
youth to manhood, and are ready to meet the haughty Republic of France
animated with enthusiasm and flushed with victory. Mr. F. observed, that
he rejoiced however that gentlemen adopted a bolder language on this
than had been used on the former occasion. He felt his full shame in the
national degradation of that moment. He was in favor of firm language;
but he would distinguish between the language of manly firmness and
that of childish petulance or ridiculous bombast.
Mr. GRISWOLD said, if he understood the state of the business, the
question was, whether the committee would agree to the amendment
proposed by the gentleman from Virginia? If it contained sentiments
accordant to the feelings of the committee, it would of course be
adopted; if not, it would doubtless be rejected.
He supposed it would form an objection to this amendment, if it were
found to be inconsistent with the other parts of the report. He believed
this to be the case; but he would not make objections to it on this
ground. He would examine the paragraph itself, and see whether it
contained sentiments in unison with those of the committee. He believed
this would not be found to be the case, and that when the committee had
taken a view of it, it would be rejected.
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