Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
In the next place, the amendment contained another proposition, viz:
that we rely upon a spirit of conciliation on the part of France for an
accommodation of differences. And, said Mr. G., do we really rely upon
this? Have we such evidence as should incline us to rely upon it? Have
the French Government expressed any inclination to settle the
differences subsisting between them and us? The communications which
were received from the Supreme Executive, do not bear this complexion.
The communication from the French Minister to this Executive does not
wear it. Our proclamations are called _insidious_; our Minister is
insulted and rejected; and attempts are made to divide the people of
this country from their Government. Is this conciliation? Does it not
rather appear as if they intended to alienate the affections of the
people from their Government, in order to effect their own views? He was
convinced it did, and that they could not rely upon a spirit of
conciliation in them. For his own part, he did not rely upon it; he
relied upon this country being able to convince the world that we are
not a divided people; that we will not willingly abandon our Government.
When the French shall be convinced of this, they will not treat us with
indignity. Therefore, he trusted, as the proposed amendment did not
contain such sentiments as were likely to accord with the feelings of
the committee, that it would be rejected.
Mr. GILES said the subject under discussion was a very important one. It
appeared to him, from various documents, that all the steps taken by the
Executive had a view to an eventual appeal to arms, which it was his
wish (as it was the wish of many in that House) to avoid. It was proper,
therefore, that the clashing opinions should be discussed. If the
proposition brought forward for this purpose was not sufficiently simple
and explicit, he wished it might be made more so. For he believed the
question to be, whether the committee be prepared to pass a vote,
approving of the whole course of the conduct of the Executive, or
whether France should be put upon the same ground with the other
belligerent powers. That she is at present upon the same footing, no
gentleman had attempted to show. Gentlemen who wish to get rid of this
ground, say this is a thing which should be left to the Executive. He
thought it was, however, a proper subject for their discussion; for
whatever power the Executive had with respect to making of treaties,
that House had the means of checking that power. Suppose, said Mr. G., I
were on this occasion called upon to tax my land, was it not necessary I
should inquire into the subject, and endeavor to avoid a measure which
would probably prove a serious drain upon the blood and treasure of the
country? He was unwilling to have his land taxed for the purpose of
supporting a war on this principle. It was evident that the French took
one ground in this dispute, and the United States another, and whilst
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