Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
He would declare, for himself at least, on the subject of war, that he
agreed in certain of the sentiments of gentlemen on the other side of
the House. A state of war was certainly a curse to any nation; to
America it would be peculiarly a curse. It ought to be avoided by all
possible means. It was not only impolitic, but madness, to run into war.
But he thought there were two sides of the subject. He thought that
peace was the greatest of all possible blessings; but he also thought
that peace might be purchased too dearly, and war avoided at too great
an expense. He thought peace might cost a greater value than money--our
independence. This was no new sentiment in this country. It was thought
that peace might be bought too dearly in the Revolutionary war; they
then thought it better to be at war than to submit to the alternative
evils. France also shows that she prefers a state of war--a war carried
on at an unexampled expense of blood and treasure--to a state of peace
with despotism. He thought, therefore, that we should hold a language of
a firm and manly tone. To preserve peace by all honorable means, but not
by dishonorable means. As he observed last session, on a similar
occasion, we should cultivate peace with zeal and sincerity; but
whenever our intention of doing so was publicly expressed, it ought to
be accompanied with an opposite assertion of a determination, if our
endeavors to maintain peace fail, that then every resource of the nation
shall be called into existence in support of all that is dear to us.
Such a declaration, at this time, was extremely proper. At present, he
said, all the observations which had been made relative to war, were
very premature. They might be brought into consideration, when any
measure should be discussed which might lead to a war with France. Then
would be the time to count the cost and the benefit. At present, he
conceived, our only object was, to inquire what were the feelings which
the conduct of France had created in our minds, and whether we were
prepared to express those feelings.
Shall we, said he, from a fear of irritating the French Republic, in a
communication with our own Executive, suppress our feelings, or what is
worse, suppress the truth? For his own part, he saw nothing in the
present business but an expression of feelings naturally excited by the
occasion; nothing but a declaration of facts. This being the case, the
question was, whether, from fear of irritating the French Government,
they should suppress these feelings.
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