Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 2 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Shall we, said he, treat the citizens of Savannah with more disrespect
than the people of St. Domingo? This House then gave $10,000 or more for
the relief of those people, and shall we not now have liberty to discuss
the subject, whether to give or not to our own citizens? Although, he
said, he would not wish to draw a precedent from English transactions,
yet he would observe that their generous benevolence to the unfortunate
sufferers by the earthquake at Lisbon, though only commercially
acquainted was worth imitation, to whom they gave £100,000. Mr. H. was
sorry gentlemen should endeavor to prevent this by bringing in the
calamities in New York and Charleston. Those were only personal losses;
this was a general conflagration, a catastrophe unprecedented; and he
hoped, for the sake of humanity and national honor, this House would
never withhold relief.
Mr. SPRIGG hoped the committee would not be discharged, but that they
would go into the business at an early day. He said, he had not made up
his mind how far they had power to afford relief in a case like the
present. There was an instance in the relief afforded to the daughters
of the Count de Grasse, as well as that given to the sufferers at St.
Domingo. He wished for further time to make inquiry on the subject. If
there were not insuperable objections to the measure, he hoped relief
would be afforded.
Mr. HARPER acknowledged that it was sound policy in Government to keep a
strict eye over its Treasury; but this watchfulness ought not to go to
the rejection of all claims, however just and proper. He thought the
tenaciousness of approaching the Treasury was carried too far in the
present instance. He would ask, what was the use of society if it were
not to lessen the evils of such calamities as the present, by spreading
them over the whole community, instead of suffering them to fall upon
the heads of a few individuals? He thought it the duty of Government to
alleviate such peculiar distress as the present. It was said this would
prove a dangerous precedent, and prevent necessary provisions against
fire. If they were about to make good the whole of the £500,000
destroyed, there might be some ground for the alarm; but when fifteen or
twenty thousand dollars only were contemplated to be given, no great
danger could surely be apprehended. The fires at New York, Baltimore,
and Charleston, had been mentioned; but what were the means of Savannah
when compared with New York? Not as one to twenty. New York was rich
enough to bear her loss, but this could not be said of Savannah, all the
inhabitants of which were reduced to poverty and distress. They could
not, therefore, get relief from their fellow-citizens; and to whom could
they look for protection and relief with so much propriety as to the
General Government? When compared to Charleston, the loss of Savannah
was of ten times the magnitude as that experienced by it. The loss of
Charleston was alleviated by a subscription of $30,000 from its own
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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