Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
R. said that it behoved him to assert his own.
Information on subjects of the nature of that which they were then
discussing, might be required for two objects: to enable the House to
determine whether it were expedient to approve a measure which on the
face of it carried proof of its impolicy; or to punish ministers who may
have departed from their instructions--who may have betrayed the interest
confided by the nation to their care.
To illustrate this remark, let us advert to the case of the Treaty
of London, generally known as Mr. Jay’s treaty. That instrument had
excited the public abhorrence. The objections to carrying it into
effect were believed insuperable. This sentiment pervaded the House of
Representatives, and when they demanded information from the Executive,
they virtually held this language: “Sir, we detest your treaty--we feel
an almost invincible repugnance to giving it our sanction--but if, by
the exhibition of any information in possession of the Executive, we can
be convinced that the interests of the United States have been supported
to the utmost extent;--that, wretched as this instrument is, the terms
are as good as were attainable; and that, bad as those terms are, it is
politic under existing circumstances to accept them, we will, however
reluctantly, pass the laws for carrying it into effect. The present
case, if he understood any thing of the general sentiment, was, happily,
of a different nature. The treaty which they were then called upon to
sanction, had been hailed by the acclamations of the nation. It was not
difficult to foresee, from the opinions manifested in every quarter,
that it would receive the cordial approbation of a triumphant majority
of that House. If such be the general opinion--if we are not barely
satisfied with the terms of this treaty, but lost in astonishment at the
all-important benefits which we have so cheaply acquired, to what purpose
do we ask information respecting the detail of the negotiation? Has any
one ventured to hint disapprobation of the conduct of the ministers who
have effected this negotiation? Has any one insinuated that our interests
have been betrayed? If, then, we are satisfied as to the terms of this
treaty, and with the conduct of our ministers abroad, let us pass the
laws necessary for carrying it into effect. To refuse--to delay, upon
the plea now offered, is to jeopardize the best interests of the Union.
Shall we take exception to our own title? Shall we refuse the offered
possession? Shall this refusal proceed from those who so lately affirmed
that we ought to pursue this very object at every national hazard? I
should rather suppose the eagerness of gentlemen would be ready to
outstrip the forms of law in making themselves masters of this country,
than that, now, when it is offered to our grasp, they should display an
unwillingness, or at least an indifference, for that which so lately was
all-important to them. After the message which the President has sent us,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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