Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. THATCHER said, gentlemen objecting to this resolution had taken
different grounds. Some oppose it as inconsistent with the sentiments
that prevailed in the case of the British Treaty; others, because it is
premature, and others, because it is unnecessary. He did not expect the
first objection from any member on that floor; much less did he expect
it from the quarter in which it originated. The advocates of the motion
were charged with inconsistency. He was not a member of the House at
the time of the British Treaty, but, on referring to the Journal, it
would be perceived that the object of gentlemen who then called for
papers was to go into the merits of the British Treaty. It would not be
denied that the ground then taken by gentlemen on the other side was,
that the House had a right to examine the merits of the treaty, and to
the assertion of that right it was that the President answered. We now
say that it is not necessary for us to act in our legislative capacity,
intending, if it shall appear to be necessary, not to withhold acting.
Mr. T. therefore conceived that they exhibited no inconsistency, as they
did not purpose at this time to go into the merits of the treaty, and as
they acknowledged the treaty, if constitutionally made, to be binding.
But they wanted information on subjects of legislation.
Mr. NICHOLSON was extremely glad to find that gentlemen on the other
side of the House had at length abandoned the ground which they had
taken some years ago. He was rejoiced that they were now willing to
acknowledge, what they had heretofore most strenuously denied, that the
House of Representatives had a constitutional right, not only to call for
papers, but to use their discretion in carrying any treaty into effect.
That it must now be their impression was evident, or their conduct was
surely unaccountable. Why else do they call for papers, why inquire into
our title to the province of Louisiana? If the doctrine of a former day
was still to be adhered to, why urge this inquiry? If gentlemen are
consistent with themselves, if they have not forgot the lessons which
they inculcated upon the ratification of the British Treaty, this House
has no right to call for papers, no right to make inquiry, no right to
deliberate, but must carry this treaty into effect, be it good or bad;
must vote for all the necessary measures, whether they are calculated
to promote the interests of the United States or not. The doctrines
of old times, however, are now given up, the ground formerly taken is
abandoned. We shall no longer hear that the Executive is omnipotent, and
that the representatives of the people are bound to vote, blindfolded,
for carrying into effect all treaties which the President and the Senate
may think proper to make and ratify. He thanked the gentlemen for the
admission, and hoped that the country would profit by it hereafter.
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