Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. C. said that most seriously considering the principles of the
Government in such a point of view as he had the honor to state to
the committee, he was irresistibly impressed with the opinion that a
legislative election of President or Vice President, whenever resorted
to, should be restrained to the smallest number above a unit, or to those
persons who have equal electoral votes. He considered it as a position
clearly and unquestionably true, that if the field of election, when
not decided by the voice of the people themselves, should be left too
wide, more chances will there always be for the introduction of abuses
in determining on a choice, if those whose province it shall be to
decide, should be actuated by a spirit adverse to the public sentiment.
Results ungrateful to the public feeling might indeed become sources of
discontent truly to be lamented. The demon of discord might be called
forth, and stalking over our land, might unfortunately produce a state
of things very different from that peaceful, tranquil state, which would
follow a decision more conformable to the will of the people. Such a
decision he believed would be ensured were the election to be confined
to those two persons only who had received the most ample testimony
of the public confidence, or to those who had been stamped with equal
testimonials of that confidence.
Mr. SMILIE would wish one principle altered in the report of the select
committee, viz: that which confined the election of the President to the
three highest persons voted for. It was impossible for human wisdom to
provide for all cases that might occur. Their time was not well spent
in providing for cases extremely remote. He had but one object in view,
the designation of office; and the more simple the proposition, the more
likely they were to obtain this object. It should be recollected that the
constitution was the act of the people, and ought not to be altered till
inconveniences actually arise under it. He believed, though particular
parts might be defective in theory, they ought not to be changed till
practical inconveniences had been experienced. No such inconvenience had
yet been felt from choosing the President from the five highest on the
list. Is it, then, prudent to embarrass the great principle, in which
they generally concurred, with incidental propositions, when there was no
necessity for them? This amendment was to obtain the assent of thirteen
legislative bodies before it would be binding. The simpler, then, the
proposition, the more likely it was to succeed. His idea, therefore, was
to leave the constitution as it now stood, so far as it related to a
choice being made from the five highest, and only so far to change it as
related to a designation of the office.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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