Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
He understood the gentleman from New York as denying that there existed
in the United States, as such, a capacity to acquire territory; that,
by the constitution, they were restricted to the limits which existed
at the time of its adoption. If this position be correct, it undeniably
follows that those limits must have been accurately defined and generally
known at the time when the Government took effect. Either they have been
particularly described in the constitutional compact, or are referred to
as settled beyond dispute, and universally acknowledged. But this was not
the fact, in either case. The constitution not only did not describe any
particular boundary, beyond which the United States could not extend,
but our boundary was unsettled on our north-eastern, southern, and
north-western frontier, at the time of its adoption. But perhaps we shall
be told, that, although our limits were in dispute with our English and
Spanish neighbors, still there were certain boundaries specified in the
Treaty of Paris, of 1783, which were the actual boundaries of the United
States. It was, however, a well attested fact--one of which we possessed
official information from the Executive--that the limits assigned us by
that treaty were incapable of being established. A line running west,
from the Lake of the Woods, not touching the Mississippi at all--it
followed that the United States were without limits beyond the source
of the Mississippi. It will not be denied, that, among the powers which
the Government possesses under the constitution, there exists that of
settling disputes concerning our limits with the neighboring nations.
This power was not only necessary in relation to the disputed boundaries
on the side of Canada and Florida, but was indispensable to a government
over a country of indefinite extent. The existence of this power will
not be denied: it has been exercised in ascertaining our north-eastern
and southern frontier, and it involves in it the power of extending the
limits of the Confederacy. Let us suppose that the Commissioners, under
the Treaty of London, had determined the river St. John or St. Lawrence
to be the _true_ St. Croix--would not that part of the province of New
Brunswick or Quebec which lies on this side of those rivers at this time
have been a part of the United States? Suppose the northern boundary of
Florida had been fixed, under the Treaty of San Lorenzo, to extend from
the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf; would not all the country north of this
line and east of the Mississippi--part of the very country conveyed by
the treaty lately negotiated, and which gentlemen conceived we could not
constitutionally hold--would not that country, at this time, compose a
part of the United States? That the constitution should tie us down to
particular limits, without expressing those limits; that we should be
restrained to the then boundaries of the United States, when it is in
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