Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. ELLIOT.--Mr. Chairman, although in the short time since I have
had the honor of a seat on this floor, I have several times risen in
debate, that circumstance scarcely diminishes my diffidence at the
present moment. Uneducated in the schools, and unpractised in the arts,
of parliamentary eloquence, it is with no inconsiderable degree of
diffidence that I rise upon the present occasion. There are occasions,
however, where even the eye of timidity should sparkle with confidence;
and there are questions in the discussion of which the finger should
be removed from the lip of silence herself. And such is every occasion
and every question involving the existence, the infraction, or even the
correct and just construction of that constitution which is the palladium
of our privileges, and the temple of our glory. If I might be permitted
to borrow a metaphorical expression from one of the most celebrated
commanders of antiquity, who declared that he intended to spread all
his sails on the ocean of war, I would say that it is with fear and
trembling I presume to launch my little feeble bark on the vast ocean of
eloquence and literature (_pointing to the federal members_) by which I
am surrounded. If, however, the remark be just, that it is even sweet and
glorious to die for one’s country, surely the humbler sacrifice of native
diffidence may with propriety be expected and exacted from a juvenile
American Representative.
Whatever minuter shades or minor differences of opinion may exist
among the American people, there is one point in which we shall all
meet with cordial unanimity. We all unite in an ardent devotion to the
constitution. He who is not devoted to it is unworthy of the honorable
name of an American. I lament that it is necessary to speak particularly
of myself; but duty, not only to myself, but to my constituents, a
numerous and respectable section of the American people, demands it.
It may be objected to me, and with truth, that there was a time when I
professed sentiments hostile to some of the most important provisions in
the constitution. It was not, however, at the time when the constitution
was submitted to the people. I was then in infancy and obscurity,
deprived of the means, and even of the hopes of education. I had yet read
much and reflected more. My ardent and excursive eye had wandered rapidly
over the wide field of ancient history; I thought I beheld my country,
like the Roman Republic in the age of Cato, the sport of every wind and
of every wave. As far as I understood the constitution, I admired it and
wished for its adoption. But when an elegant anonymous writer predicted,
as the consequence of its adoption, that “liberty would be but a name,
to adorn the short historic page of the halcyon days of America,” I
trembled and shuddered for the possible consequences. If in the plenitude
of juvenile self-sufficiency (and who has not been young?) I have since
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