Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. J. RANDOLPH said that a sense of duty alone could have induced
him to rise at that late hour. He wished to call the attention of the
committee to a stipulation in the Treaty of London. [Here Mr. R. read
an extract from the third article of that treaty, whereby the United
States are pledged not to impose on imports in British vessels from
their territories in America, adjacent to the United States, any higher
duties than would be paid upon such imports, if brought into our Atlantic
ports in American bottoms.] In this case, he said, gentlemen could not
avail themselves of the distinction taken by his friend from Maryland
(Mr. NICHOLSON) between a Territory and a State, even if they were so
disposed--since the ports in question were ports of a State. The ports
of New York, on the Lakes, were as much ports of that State, as the city
of New York itself; they had their custom-house officers, were governed
by the same regulations as other ports,--duties were exacted at them;
and yet, under the article of the British Treaty which had been just
read, British bottoms could and did enter them subject to no higher
duties than were paid by American bottoms in the Atlantic ports. Mr.
R. said that he did not mean to affirm that this exemption made by the
Treaty of London was constitutional, so long as a distinction prevailed
between American and British bottoms in other ports. He had never given
a vote to carry that treaty into effect--but he hoped the gentlemen from
Connecticut--both of whom he believed had done so; one of whom, at least,
he knew had been a conspicuous advocate of that treaty--he hoped that
gentleman (Mr. GRISWOLD) would inform the committee how he got over the
constitutional objection to this article of the Treaty of London, which
he had endeavored to urge against that under discussion. How could the
gentleman, with the opinion which he now holds, agree to admit British
bottoms into certain ports, on the same terms on which American bottoms
were admitted into American ports, generally? thereby making that very
difference,--giving that very preference to those particular ports of
certain States, which he tells us cannot constitutionally be given to the
port of New Orleans--although that port is not within any State, and,
if his (Mr. GRISWOLD’s) doctrine be correct, not even within the United
States!
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