Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
The motion was, on the other hand, opposed by Messrs. NICHOLSON, EUSTIS,
R. GRISWOLD, and HUGER. They observed that the bill under consideration
had received the sanction of the Senate, and it might be rationally
presumed that they had previously to its passage received satisfactory
proof of its necessity; that the first section authorized the sale of the
frigate General Greene, in the lieu whereof it was contemplated to build
or purchase two small ships; that this measure therefore constituted no
increase of the Navy beyond its present strength; that so far as related
to expense, whatever the temporary cost, arising from the building or
purchase might be, the permanent expense of two small vessels would be
greatly inferior to that of one large one; that the annual expense of a
forty-four gun frigate was $104,000, while that of a vessel of sixteen
guns was only $36,000; that with regard to the argument of gentlemen
drawn from a want of estimates, it was idle, as estimates had been
furnished at the last session, as the basis of adding four small vessels
for the Mediterranean service, which amounted to $96,000, which sum
appeared to be sufficient. If, therefore, four vessels cost $96,000, two
would not cost more than $50,000; that with regard to the necessity of
these ships, Congress were the proper and constitutional judges; that it
was their special duty to provide and maintain a navy, and to provide for
the common defence and general welfare of the United States; and that
the absolute dependence placed by gentlemen on Executive mandates was
unprecedented, anti-republican, and unconstitutional; that it became the
Legislature to judge for themselves as to the propriety of the measure;
that from the knowledge they possessed of the state of the country, and
the extended sphere of commerce, abundant evidence was presented of its
necessity. It was a fact well ascertained that, for Barbary warfare,
these small ships were eminently useful, and that service required
relief; for in case of a disaster occurring to one of our present small
vessels, it was proper to be provided with others that might promptly
make good the deficiency. That the acquisition of Louisiana would
undoubtedly require some naval force to ensure the collection of the
revenue in that quarter; and that the state of the West Indies absolutely
demanded an addition of some small vessels to protect our trade from
the barges that were fitted out by the brigands for the purposes of
depredation; that it was a fact that if the Executive, at this moment,
possessed one of these ships, it would be immediately sent to the West
Indies; that there were other important purposes for which these vessels
were wanted. The Government had frequent occasion to send special Envoys,
on points of vast importance, to the two great powers in Europe. Was it
then safe, or becoming the dignity of the nation, to send such characters
in a private merchantman, subject to the search or capture of any armed
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