Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Gentlemen say if this committee find the conduct of the judge to have
been correct, they will make a report to that effect; but it does not
follow that the report will contain all the evidence adduced, and
suspicion may still rest on the character of the judge, and that some
facts may not be stated, which, if stated, would show his misconduct.
Whereas, if the business be brought generally before the House, on
the exhibition of certain facts, the public will be enabled to decide
whether they warrant impeachment or even suspicion. With this view of the
subject, I am of opinion that it will be best to delay acting in this
affair until facts shall be disclosed which will justify the step now
proposed to be taken. I have as high a respect for the opinion of the
gentleman from Virginia as for that of any other member on this floor;
but I doubt whether we can justify our votes on the opinion of any single
member; facts alone ought to govern our opinions. I, therefore, for the
purpose of considering the course most proper to be pursued, move a
postponement of the further consideration of the motion until to-morrow.
Mr. J. RANDOLPH.--Were I the personal enemy of the gentleman who is the
object of this resolution, I should take precisely that course which,
on this occasion, the gentleman from Connecticut seems more than half
inclined to take. That gentleman wishes the resolution to lay until
to-morrow, in order that he may have time to consider whether he can
bring himself to refuse the inquiry altogether. He says that he cannot,
or rather (for he speaks doubtingly) he thinks he cannot see the
propriety of instituting an inquiry without evidence. What evidence?
Nothing short of legal proof--testimony on oath. And what is the object
of the resolution? To acquire that very evidence. If we had the evidence,
to what purpose make inquiry? As, however, the evidence cannot be had
without inquiry, and the gentleman will not grant the inquiry but upon
the evidence, it is plain that if we take the course which he recommends,
we must go without both. Will gentlemen offer objections against inquiry
which are applicable only to impeachment? If an impeachment were moved,
they would have a right to call for evidence. But what is the object
of the present motion? Merely to inquire whether there exists evidence
which will justify an impeachment. But this inquiry we are told cannot be
instituted on mere hearsay, although we have the declaration of a member
in his place. What would be said of a grand jury, who being informed
by one of their body that A or B could testify to the fact of a murder
being committed within their jurisdiction, should refuse an application
to the court to have them summoned, and because they could not find a
bill of indictment unsupported by evidence, should reject that evidence
which might be within their reach? I profess not that tenderness of
conscience which has been displayed by the gentleman from Connecticut. My
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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