Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. JACKSON.--As, Mr. Speaker, this subject is novel in its nature,
and may be important in its consequences, I presume there exists a
disposition to hear the reasoning which any gentleman may be disposed to
offer upon it. It is with this view that I rise to express my opinion
in favor of creating a committee of inquiry. I consider this House as
the grand inquest of the nation, whose duty it is to inquire, on a
proper representation, into the conduct of every official character
under the Government. Like a grand jury, we ought, in my opinion, at the
instance of any member, to send for all persons possessed of information
calculated to throw light upon the conduct of any individual inculpated.
A contrary doctrine would lead to the most unfortunate consequences.
It would lead to this, that a minority would never be able to inquire
into the conduct of a State offender, unless such inquiry were favored
by the majority. As it is now contended that the inquiry is not a
matter of right which any member may demand, but a matter of favor, to
be granted according to the pleasure of the majority, it may be said
that, if a majority favor an individual, he will always escape without
an impeachment. But I believe otherwise; and that the Senate, like a
virtuous judge, will not suffer an atom of prejudice or partiality to
fall into the scales of justice.
But, say gentlemen, though it may be the duty of the House to impeach
an officer, it is necessary that facts, warranting such an impeachment,
should be first presented. This is not the course pursued in cases where
a grand jury is called upon to act. If a murder is committed, it is their
duty to inquire, and diligently inquire, who is guilty of the act, and to
send for all persons capable of giving information respecting it. Such is
the practice. If it shall be required to furnish facts, as is urged by
gentlemen, the consequence will be that offences of the highest nature
will be committed with impunity. It has been observed that it is odious
to undertake the task of a public informer. But what the constitution
and laws make our duty, so far from being odious, is honorable; because
we thereby discharge a duty imposed upon us by our oaths, and because we
show ourselves unawed by the vicious conduct of bad men. If the character
of a public informer be odious, are we to expect that private individuals
will come forward with affidavits? In such a case, to say the least of
it, the duty would be of an unpleasant nature.
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