Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Gentlemen, in opposition to this measure, say they wish to guard against
suspicion. But suspicion has long since gone forth; has been heard and
re-echoed from every part of the Union; and the only way of defeating it,
if ill-founded, is to institute an inquiry, and if the character of the
judge be innocent, to pronounce it so. I am surprised to find gentlemen,
who profess a friendship for the character of one of the persons
implicated, opposed to this inquiry, when they believe him innocent.
I should suppose it their peculiar duty to call for the inquiry, that
the accused might have an opportunity of proving to the world that his
character has been assailed without cause.
Mr. R. GRISWOLD.--After what has passed on this floor, there can be
no doubt that the gentlemen whose characters are implicated by this
resolution will ardently desire an investigation of their conduct; and
if, on this floor, we were merely to consult our own wishes, we should
unanimously agree on an investigation. But this is not our duty; our duty
is to take on this, as well as on all other occasions, a correct course;
to take those steps only which are warranted. It is because I doubt,
after considerable deliberation, whether this course is warranted, that
I am opposed to it. What, I ask, is the nature of the resolution on the
table? It contains no charges against the judges implicated; it only
proposes to raise a committee to inquire whether their official conduct
has been such as to justify the interposition of the constitutional
power of this House. If a committee of inquiry is raised, what will be
their powers? One thing will certainly follow. They will be clothed with
a power to send for persons, and probably for papers. Is it consistent
with principle to appoint a committee, which, from its nature, must be
secret, with power to ransack the country in the first instance for
accusations against the judges, and then for proofs to support them? Is
this correct? Are gentlemen prepared to say so? to seek for accusations,
and then for proofs to support those accusations, against high officers
of the Government? For one, I believe that this course is not correct. I
believe it to be dangerous. I agree with the gentleman from Vermont, that
it operates in the nature of an inquisition. A committee will be raised
to act in secret, first to find an accusation, and next to prove it. If
there is now any accusation against the judges, let it be made; let it be
made on this floor; and, as the gentleman from New Jersey has observed,
let us ascertain, if true, whether it will be a sufficient ground for
an impeachment. This will be a correct course, and it will be the only
safe course. If, on the contrary, we proceed in the manner proposed, it
will be attended with this consequence: at the commencement of every
session we shall raise a secret committee, to compose an inquisition, to
ascertain whether there are not charges against some public officer, and
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