Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
What then, Mr. N. asked, was the course now proposed? His friend from
Virginia had called the attention of the House to certain alleged
misconduct of a judge, which had been stated by a member in his place
during the last session. That statement had again been repeated in the
House yesterday, not in writing, indeed, but in language so clear and
in terms so unequivocal that none were so stupid as not to understand
it. Like Mr. Burke, he asked that a committee should be appointed to
inquire into the truth of the charge. The House of Commons had referred
the subject before them to a Committee of the Whole, and the House of
Representatives were moved to refer the subject before them to a select
committee. A select committee was proposed, because it would be more
convenient and more expeditious. If the subject might with propriety be
referred to a Committee of the Whole, with equal propriety might it be
referred to a select committee.
He had noticed this precedent, not because he thought it necessary
to cross the Atlantic for authorities, but because the gentleman had
introduced it as favoring his own doctrines. If there was already no
precedent, in his opinion the House ought to make one; but he believed
their own journals would furnish them with one. At the first session
of the seventh Congress, in a very few days after the House met, Mr.
N. said he had risen in his place, and stated that he had seen in the
public prints, during the preceding summer, charges of a serious nature
against an individual who had filled one of the highest stations under
the Government, that he had misapplied considerable sums of public money,
and was a defaulter to a very large amount. Upon this vague rumor, he had
moved that the accounts of the former Secretary of State should be laid
before the House. No gentleman then declared that it was necessary to
have proof before an inquiry took place. No one dreamt that information
as to facts was to be had, before it was sought for. Some indeed had
asked how far the motion was to extend; whether it was to embrace all the
other Secretaries of State? Others desired that the accounts from all the
departments should be called for, and finally it was determined to let
the resolution lie for a short time. In a few days after, on the 14th of
December, he modified the resolution, in conformity with the wishes of
several gentlemen, and it passed directing that “a committee should be
appointed to inquire and report, whether moneys drawn from the Treasury
had been faithfully applied to the objects for which they had been
appropriated, and whether they had been regularly accounted for,” &c. A
precedent more in point he thought could not be desired. The inquiry was
produced, not upon proof, not even upon the suggestion of a member, but
because a report as to the misapplication of public money had circulated
through the public prints of the day. He might be told perhaps that this
was an inquiry of a general nature.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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