Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
was brought before the committee, who examined him on oath, and reported
the existence of frauds much more extensive than had been imagined; in
consequence of which the land office was shut up, and the Secretary
notified that articles of impeachment would be exhibited against him.
But the late period of the session not then admitting of a trial, it was
postponed to the next General Assembly. At the succeeding Assembly the
officer resigned, and superseded the necessity of an impeachment. He
was afterwards indicted at common law. These precedents, drawn from the
proceedings of the Legislature of the State which I have the honor to
represent, induce me to think that the course proposed is proper; and I
shall, accordingly, vote for the appointment of a committee of inquiry.
Mr. DENNIS said, he did not rise for the purpose of entering into an
investigation of the merits of the question, but principally for the
purpose of stating, in a few words, what appeared to be the difference
between the friends and the opponents of the resolution. He had never
experienced, on any occasion, a stronger conflict between inclination
and duty than in the present instance. On the one hand, he was confident
that, after the official conduct of the judges had been thus publicly
implicated, it must be desirable to them that an investigation of the
facts charged against them should take place, and it seemed to be a
duty due to those gentlemen, that they should have an opportunity of
being confronted with their accusers. On the other hand, we owe to the
laws and constitution, as well as to those considerations which must
always govern in the establishment of important precedents, a paramount
duty, which appeared in this case irreconcilable with the indulgence of
individual considerations. The true difference between the advocates and
the opponents of the resolution appeared to be this: That the one thought
it a proper procedure to raise an inquisitorial committee, without any
definite or assignable object, and without stating in the resolution any
specific charge. The other did not demand, as it had been supposed, the
production of all the evidence in the outset of the proceeding, which
might be necessary in the ulterior stages of the transaction, nor that
precise and technical specification of the charges which might be proper
in articles of impeachment, but only required that some fact should be
stated, or charge alleged, as the basis on which to erect a committee. He
believed, to create a committee by resolution, with general inquisitorial
powers, without specifying any charge, or stating any reason in the
resolution for the proceeding, was without precedent, and might become an
engine of oppression. In order to satisfy the friends of the resolution
on that, he did not wish to avoid that investigation which might be
founded on proper principles, and which he believed, after what has been
said, is rather courted than avoided by the judges in question. He would
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