Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. FINDLAY was of opinion that the policy of the measure embraced by
the resolution, and nothing else, was before them. Gentlemen seemed all
to unite in their abhorrence of the slave trade; they differed only
about the means of preventing it. It was well understood that a large
majority of the Federal Convention were inimical to the slave trade. That
convention had only acted upon it in a commercial point of view. As they
considered imported slaves an article of commerce, the House possessed
the same liberty of acting with regard to them, as with regard to other
articles of trade. In some of these articles, Congress had the right of
exercising unlimited taxation; in this case, their power was limited to a
certain amount. Imported goods, on an average, were subjected to a duty
of about 20 per cent. On this subject, a difference of opinion exists as
to the propriety of making imported slaves an article of revenue. This
is the true question, and not whether we shall cast a censure upon any
particular State. It does not follow, that, because we lay a particular
tax, we censure those who pay it. Considering this, then, as an article
of trade, the tax might have been long since laid, had not all the States
prohibited the traffic. Under those circumstances, it could not be taken
up as a subject of revenue.
Mr. F. observed, that, though it might be unbecoming in the House to be
influenced by resentment against the State of South Carolina, yet it
was proper that they should be influenced by the policy of the case.
As a profitable article of commerce, it appeared as eligible a subject
of taxation as could be found, and as justly liable to taxation as any
other. As to the disgrace, which some gentlemen were of opinion would
arise from taxing it, that arose from the existence of the slave trade.
In laying the tax, we shall do all we can to discourage it; and if we do
not like to use the money derived from taxing it in the common way, we
may apply it to special objects--to ameliorate the state of slavery, or
to any other object.
Mr. F. concluded his remarks by observing, that this question being
brought forward, he could not justify himself in neglecting to embrace
the opportunity it presented of discountenancing the importation of
slaves. He considered it proper that Congress should take up the subject
as the constitution presented it to them. At a certain period they would
possess the right of prohibiting it altogether, and until then they
enjoyed the power of taxation. This being the only constitutional power
they did possess, he trusted they would exert it.
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