Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. STANTON.--Mr. Speaker: I am highly gratified to find honorable
members in every part of the House who reprobate the infamous traffic of
buying and selling the human species. On this occasion but a few remarks
are necessary, if morality, humanity, and justice, are conducive to the
happiness of society. It is not my duty nor intention to criminate the
State of South Carolina, whose late conduct has created serious and well
founded alarm. It is a duty I owe to my constituents and myself not
to connive at a measure that, in my humble opinion, goes to shake the
pillars of public security, and threatens corruption to the morals of our
citizens, and tarnishes the American character. Sir, while I deprecate
the repeal of the non-importation act of South Carolina, I console myself
with the pleasing expectation that the State will retract the error they
have recently and unguardedly fallen into, and I cannot doubt but the
honorable members from that State, on this floor, will lend their aid to
effect so desirable a measure--to enact again the prohibitory statute.
We are told if the House adopt the resolution, it will irritate South
Carolina, notwithstanding the opposers of the resolution confess the
impolitic conduct of South Carolina. I wish not to offend any of our
sister States, much less, that important State whose wisdom, virtue, and
patriotism, have been conspicuous on every other occasion. The opposers
of the resolution inform us its adoption will both encourage and sanction
the importation, and that they have a constitutional right to import
until 1808. I grant it, but I hope better things of that State; and
things that accompany reformation. She has recently, with other States,
emancipated herself from tyranny and oppression, and will she sully her
fair fame by commencing tyrant herself? Sir, the speakers from the State
of South Carolina, and particularly the honorable member who offered a
resolution as a substitute for the one under consideration, delivered
himself in sentiments of the most admirable humanity, and constitutional
love and zeal for his country; and, if he were a member from any other
State in the Union, I should have the honor, I make no doubt, of voting
with him for the resolution on your table. Sir, I am sensible the General
Government cannot prohibit the traffic previous to the year 1808. This is
one of the most humiliating concessions made by that venerable convention
which framed the constitution, and we are bound by it. I ask, is the
policy of the measure embraced by the resolution sound? I believe it is.
I consider slaves a luxury--they are considered by the constitution,
three-fifths of them, to give a Representative, and I ask why not tax
them? It is a sound maxim that representation and taxation should go hand
in hand. To lay a tax being the only constitutional power the General
Government possesses, I think it good policy to exercise it.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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