Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Mr. S. SMITH, when he made the motion for filling up the blank with
three, did it after the most deliberate consideration of the theory and
the principles of the constitution; which, if he understood it right,
intended that the election of the Executive should be in the people, or
as nearly as was possible, consistent with public order and security to
the right of suffrage. The provision admitting the choice by the House
of Representatives, was itself intended only for an extreme case, where
great inconvenience might result from sending a defective election back
to the people, as is customary in Massachusetts, where, if the majority
is deficient, a new election is required. Our object in the amendment
is or should be to make the election more certain by the people. This
was to be done most effectually by leaving it to them to designate the
persons whom they preferred for each office. As under the present form
there was an extreme case, so there might be when the change of number
should take place; for, although even with the number three, there was
a possibility of the choice devolving on the House of Representatives,
yet the adoption of the designating principle and the number three,
would render the case less probable. It never was the intention of the
framers of the constitution that the election should go to the House of
Representatives but in the extreme case; nor was it ever contemplated
that about one-fifth of the people should choose a President for the
rest, which certainly would be the case if what some gentlemen contended
for were to take place. When gentlemen contend for such a power as
would transfer the choice from the people, and place it in the hands
of a minority so small, how happens it that gentlemen will not bear to
hear of the efforts which such arguments or such measures would produce
on the larger States? It was not the interest of the small States to
combine against the large. Suppose it were possible that the four large
States should combine--and a combination of the small States alone could
produce such an effect--nine States in the Union have but thirty-two
votes out of one hundred and forty-two, yet nine States, with one vote
each, make a majority of seventeen, though in relation to population they
contain only about one-fifth of the whole; and by such a proceeding the
one-fifth might choose a President and Vice President in defiance of the
other four-fifths. What would be the consequence of such an election?
At a subsequent election the large States would combine, and by the use
of their votes they would frustrate every object which the small States
might use their efforts to accomplish.
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