Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Notwithstanding what had been said concerning the jealousy of States, he
could see nothing in it but the leaven of the old Congress, thrown in to
work up feelings that had been long still. It was the forlorn hope, the
last stratagem of party; and he was the more disposed to think so, when
he saw gentlemen from the large States coming forward as the champions of
the small--this might, to be sure, be magnanimity; but if his discernment
did not deceive him, it was a stratagem to divide the friends of the
amendment. Why was not the same jealousy entertained of the power of
thirteen out of seventeen combining and giving absolute law to the other
four? Why have gentlemen paid no regard to the experience which they
have had from the last election, when less than one third of the members
harassed the public mind, kept the Union in agitation, and Congress
engrossed to the exclusion of nearly all other business for two weeks?
Suppose that the House had been as accessible to corruption as the diets
of other nations have been, and that three men, having in their power
the votes of three States, had been seized upon, and the election made
contrary to the wishes of the people. What would be the effect--on the
minds of the people--on the administration of the Government--and on the
attachment which the people feel for the constitution itself? He need not
attempt to describe the effects. But it is our duty to prevent the return
of such dangers, by keeping the election out of that House. And the most
effectual mode is to fix the selection from the number three.
Mr. PICKERING had not intended to have spoken on this question so far
as it concerned the numbers; but as he should probably vote differently
from his colleague, he conceived it proper to give his motives for his
vote. His wishes for the entire preservation of the constitution were so
strong, that he regretted any change was contemplated to be made in it,
and he wished if an alteration was made to keep as near as possible to
the spirit of the constitution as it now is, and it appeared to him that
the number _three_ conformed more to that spirit than the number _five_.
He believed it to be the intention of the constitution, that the people
should _elect_. As to what gentlemen said concerning the will of the
people, he paid but little regard to it. The will of the people! he did
not know how the will of the people could be known--how gentlemen came by
it; it would not be asserted that it was to be found in the newspapers,
or in private society; in truth he believed it never had been fairly
expressed on the subject. We have seen an amendment brought forward from
New York, but was that an expression of the public opinion? if it was,
it was a very remarkable one, for it contained an absurdity--visible to
every one. He wished to avoid innovations on the constitution, and to
preserve the combined operation of federative and popular principles upon
which it rested unimpaired.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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