Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
Motion agreed to--ayes 14, noes 10.
Mr. M. then observed, that he would concisely state the ideas which
influenced him on this subject. For the existing inconveniences of this
place, and the want of accommodation to which Congress was exposed, he
did not consider the inhabitants of Washington in the least to blame. The
causes from which these flowed, it was not in their power to control.
They arose, in a great measure, from the city being surrounded by seats
of trade, which naturally repressed its rise here. Those inconveniences
were, he believed, of a nature not to be cured by time, and, if there
was no constitutional obstacle, it would be the best policy to remove
immediately. He contended that no constitutional obstacle did exist. On
the contrary, he was of opinion that it was the duty of the Legislature,
in case the public good required it, to remove the seat of Government.
He believed that this place would not long remain the seat. The members
of the Government will become tired of remaining here, when they are
convinced that the inconveniences which they experience will not
promote the advantage even of their posterity. The single question then
is, whether less inconvenience will be produced by an immediate or a
protracted removal. He was clearly of opinion that the inconvenience of
removing, at this time, would be less than at a future day. He concluded
by saying, that he should not, himself, have brought forward this measure
at the present time. He would have waited for more conclusive proofs of
the insuperable inconveniences attending a residence at this place, when
opinions, at present variant, would be more united.
Mr. JACKSON said, the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. MACLAY) had picked
a hole in the bill, and what effect it would produce, he could not
pretend to say. If the word “Baltimore” had been suffered to remain, it
would have been rejected by a large majority.
Mr. J. then went at some length into a view of the unconstitutionality
of a removal, and the happy situation of Washington for the seat of the
Government. He said that he was far from being friendly, in the first
instance, to this measure, which might be called the hobby-horse of,
perhaps, the most illustrious man that ever lived. But, once adopted, it
became sacred in his eyes; and nothing short of an act of God, in the
shape of an earthquake, a plague, or some other fatal scourge, would
justify a removal; and, he trusted, that unless some such act occurred,
this would be the last time the measure was proposed.
The time would come, though he hoped to God neither his children nor
his children’s children would live to see it, when the population on
this side of the Mississippi would pass that river, and when the seat of
Government would be translated to its banks. Centuries would, however,
elapse before that period arrived.
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