Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 4 (of 16)United States. Congress
History
Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 4 (of 16)
United States. Congress
Law -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
The continuance of our measures may be productive of another
consequence, attended with more serious mischief than all others
together--the diversion of trade from us to other channels. Look at
both sides of the case. If Great Britain holds on, (and my predictions
are not fulfilled, or she will persevere,) she will look for other
resources of supply, that, in the event of a war, she may not be
essentially injured. She will endeavor to arrange her sources of
supply, so that no one nation refusing to deal with her shall have
it in their power materially to impair her interests. As to cotton,
large quantities of this article were formerly drawn from the West
Indies. The destruction of the sugar estates in St. Domingo gave a
new direction to cultivation. They ceased to grow in many of the
West India islands that article which they formerly had raised to
a considerable extent, (cotton,) and which, if the increased labor
employed in the sugar estates, now adequate to the supply of Europe, be
not profitable, they will again cultivate. The Brazils will assist to
take a sufficient quantity for consumption, (and, as well as my memory
serves me, they produce seventy or eighty thousand bags annually;) and
South America will add her supplies. I grant that we can now undersell
these countries; but I beg gentlemen to pause before they drive England
into a change of commercial habits, which in the hour of future peace
may never be fully restored, and thus inflict deep and lasting wounds
upon our prosperity. Sir, we are told that we are to produce great
effects by the continuance of the embargo and non-intercourse with this
nation. Do gentlemen who were in the majority on the subject of the
embargo when laid (for I was anxious then that at least foreign nations
might come and give us what we wanted in exchange for our product)
recollect their argument against permitting foreign vessels to come
and take our produce; that it was privilege all on one side; that it
would be nominal to France, while England would be the sole carrier?
Now, sir, as to the non-intercourse system--how does that operate?
France has no commerce--cannot come here--and therefore is not injured
by her exclusion from our ports. It operates solely on England. If the
argument was then correct, to avoid the measure because it operated to
the sole benefit of England, what shall we think of the non-intercourse
measure which operates solely against her? In a commercial view,
therefore, and in point of interest, this country will be deeply
benefited by a removal of the embargo.
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